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ATHANASE DE MEZIERES 


AND THE 


LOUISIANA-TEXAS FRONTIER 
1768-1780 


DOCUMENTS PUBLISHED FOR THE FIRST TIME, FROM THE ORIGI- 
NAL SPANISH AND FRENCH MANUSCRIPTS, CHIEFLY IN THE 
ARCHIVES OF MEXICO AND SPAIN; TRANSLATED 
INTO ENGLISH ; EDITED AND AN- 

NOTATED, BY 


HERBERT EUGENE BOLTON, Pu.D. 


PROFESSOR OF AMERICAN HISTORY, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 


VOLUME I 





THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY 
CLEVELAND: 1914 


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CONTENTS 


PREFACE 

HIsToRICAL ee Aico 

SOURCES OF THE MANUSCRIPTS . 

I CoNDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, AND THE Bevanierper 
OF SPANISH RULE, 1768-1770 


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Ulloa to O’Conor, 1768 

O’Reilly to De Méziéres, September 23, 1769 
O’Reilly to De Méziéres, January 22, 1770 
O’Reilly to De Méziéres, January 22, 1770 
O’Reilly to De Méziéres, January 23, 1770 
O’Reilly to De Méziéres, January 23, 1770 
O’Reilly to De Mézieres, January 23, 1770 


De Meziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, February 1, 1770 
De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, February 1, 1770 
De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, February 1, 1770 
De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, February 1, 1770 
De Meziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, February 1, 1770 


Contract of Juan Piseros with De Méziéres, Natchi- 
toches, February 3, 1770 


De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, February 1, 1770 


Instructions for the traders of the Cadaux d’Acquioux 
and Hiatasses Nations, February 4, 1770 
O’Reilly to De Méziéres, February 19, 1770 
Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, March 15, 1770 
Unzaga y Amezaga to De Mézieres, March 15, 1770 
Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, March 15, 1770 
Unzaga y Amezaga to De Meéziéres, March 15, 1770 
Unzaga y Amezaga to De Mézieres, March 16, 1770 
Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, March 16, 1770 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, March 22, 1770 
Agreement made with the Indian nations in assembly, 


April 21, 1770 


13 
17 
123 


127 


ce 


29 


ATHANASE DE MEZIERES 


De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, April 30, 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 15, 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 15, 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 20, 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 20, 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 20, 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 20, 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 20, 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 20, 
Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, May 31, 
Unzaga y Amezaga to De Mezieres, June 1, 

De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, June 10, 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, June 10, 
De Mezieres to Unzaga y Amezaga, June 10, 
De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, June 10, 

De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, June 10, 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, June 16, 
De Mezieres to Unzaga y Amezaga, June 27, 

De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, June 27, 
Unzaga y Amezaga to De Meéziéres, July 28, 

De Mézieéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, August 21, 
De Meézieéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, August 21, 
De Meézieres to Unzaga y Amezaga, August 21, 


1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 
1770 


[ Vol. 


Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, September 20, 1770 
De Mézieres to Unzaga y Amezaga, September 27, 1770 
De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, October 23, 1770 
De Mézieres to Unzaga y Amezaga, October 23, 1770 
De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, October 23, 1770 
De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, October 23, 1770 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, October 23, 1770 


De Méziéres to Gonzalez, October 26, 1770 
Gonzalez to De Méziéres, October 30, 1770 


Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, November 27, 1770 
De Mezieéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, November 29, 1770 


Unzaga y Amezaga to De Meéziéres, December 1, 1770 
Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, December 1, 1770 
Unzaga y Amezagato De Méziéres, December 2, 1770 
Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, December 2, 1770 
Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, December 2, 1770 


one | 


CONTENTS 9 


II THE CoNFERENCE AT CADODACHOS WITH THE NATIONS 


64 
65 
66 
67 


68 
69 
70 
ya 


72 
1h. 


OF THE NorTH,1770 é 2 199 

De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Pas Ea May 20, eee 

De Mezieres to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 20, 1770 

De Meziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, June 27, 1770 

Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, September 20, 
1770 

De Meziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, September 27, 
1770 

Report by De Méziéres of the expedition to Cado- 
dachos, October 29, 1770 

Depositions relative to the expedition to Cadodachos, 
October 30-31, 1770 

Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, November 18, 1770 

Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, November 29, 1770 

De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, November 29, 1770 


III TREATIES OF PEACE WITH THE NATIONS OF THE NorTH; 


PROPOSALS CONCERNING TRADE AND ANOTHER Ex- 
PEDITION, 1771-1772. . : 227 

De Meéeziéres to Unzaga y ‘Ariel: Hea. 28, a 

De Meézieres to Unzaga y Amezaga, March 14, 1771 

De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, circa March 14, 
L771 

De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, March 20, 1771 

Unzaga y Amezaga to De Meéziéres, April 6, 1771 

De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, July 3, 1771 

De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, July 3, 1771 

Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, October 4, 1771 

The Baron de Ripperda to De Meziéres, October 7, 1771 

Treaty with the Taovayas, October 27, 1771 

Declaration of Gorgoritos, Bidai chief, December 21, 1771 

The Baron de Ripperda to Unzaga y Amezaga, Decem- 
ber 31, 1771 

The Baron de Ripperda to the viceroy, April 28, 1772 

The Baron de Ripperda to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 26, 
1772 

Areche to the viceroy (dictamen fiscal), Mexico, July 31, 
1772 


IO 


CONTENTS 


IV THe EXxpeEpITION OF 1772 FROM NATCHITOCHES TO THE 


89 
90 
gI 


NATIONS OF THE UPPER I RINITY AND BRAzos RIVERS . 283 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, February 25, 1772 
De Méziéres to the Baron de Ripperda, July 4, 1772 
De Meézieéres to the viceroy, July 16, 1772 
De Méziéres to the Baron de Ripperda, July 4, 1772 
The Baron de Ripperda to the viceroy, July 4, 1772 
The Baron de Ripperda to the viceroy, July 4, 1772 
‘The Baron de Ripperda to the viceroy, July 5, 1772 
The Baron de Ripperda to the viceroy, July 5, 1772 
The Baron de Ripperda to the viceroy, July 6, 1772 
The Baron de Ripperda to the viceroy, July 6, 1772 
The Baron de Ripperda to the viceroy, July 6, 1772 
The Baron de Ripperda to the viceroy, July 7, 1772 
The Baron de Ripperda to the viceroy, August 2, 1772 
The Baron de Ripperda to the viceroy, August 2, 1772 
De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, August 20, 1772 
De Meéziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, August 20, 1772 
The Baron de Ripperda to the viceroy, August 25, 1772 
The Baron de Ripperda to Unzaga y Amezaga, September 

8, 1772 
The viceroy to the Baron de Ripperda, September 16, 1772 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Map oF TEXAS IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ( Frontispiece 
FACSIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF THE BARON DE RIPPERDA 

[text cut] : ‘ 4 : ’ : : 256 
FACSIMILE OF A PAGE OF DE Mezizres’s REPORT : , 287 


FACSIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF VICEROY BUCARELY Y 
Ursua [text cut] . ; : ; / \ i } 350 





PREFACE 


It is no small satisfaction to be able to bring forth from 
an unmerited obscurity a man who was useful and even 
distinguished in his day and way, and to make his ser- 
vices known again in the land where he wrought. Atha- 
nase de Méziéres y Clugny, the author, the recipient, or 
the central figure of the documents here published, was 
for years the foremost Indian agent and diplomat of the 
Louisiana-Texas frontier. He alone, perhaps, of the 
Louisiana Frenchmen of the second half of the eight- 
eenth century is comparable in this respect with Saint 
Denis of the first half. It was he above all others who, 
in the capacity of lieutenant-governor of Louisiana, es- 
tablished the Spanish rule in the Red River Valley. 
And yet he has been done scant justice by history, for 
the reason, it would seem that, through the political 
changes and vicissitudes of the Southwest, the records of 
his services have been lost to view and his work, in con- 
sequence, forgotten; for, indeed, historians have barely 
mentioned his name. 

But to record the activities of De Mézieres is not the 
primary aim of publishing his letters and reports. Of 
greater interest than the man is the wealth of historical 
information which his papers contain. ‘The history of 
the French and Spanish régimes in Texas and Louisiana 
is to a large extent the history of an Indian policy, in its 
various aspects; and for light on the Indian affairs of 
what are now Texas, western Louisiana, Arkansas, and 
Oklahoma during the period between 1768 and 1780, 


14 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


and on the problems of Indian control in that period, as 
well as on the establishment of Spanish rule in western 
Louisiana, there is perhaps no other single group of 
documents in existence so important as the correspond- 
ence and reports of De Méziéres here published. 
These writings of De Meézieres, taken together with 
the related correspondence of the governors and mis- 
sionaries of Louisiana:and Texas, the commandant- 
general of the Interior Provinces, and the viceroy of 
New Spain, reveal in a way impossible to learn from any 
other available source the all-absorbing nature of the 
task of controlling the Nations of the North (the tribes 
inhabiting the vast region lying on both sides of the Red 
River) on the one hand, and the more dreaded Apache 
of western Texas on the other; the importance of the 
transfer of Louisiana to Spain in its effects upon the 
administration of her frontier provinces; the jealousy 
which continued to exist between French Louisiana and 
Spanish Texas long after the two colonies had become 
subject to one crown; and the way in which, in spite of 
this jealousy, Spain felt compelled to abdicate to French 
agents and French traders the control of the Nations of 
the North, as the only means of maintaining these tribes 
as a makeweight against the Apache and the only guar- 
anty against complete destruction of the frontier settle- 
ments by the combined hostility of both. To this enum- 
eration of values should be added the great wealth of 
data for the ethnology and the historical geography of 
the region concerned. Perhaps the best illustration of 
the importance of these reports of De Méziéres is found 
in the fact that till the end of the eighteenth century at 
least, they were the chief reliance of the governments at 
Chihauhua, Mexico, and Madrid for information con- 
cerning the geography, ethnology, and Indian politics 


one | PREFACE 15 


of the northeastern frontier of New Spain. In short, 
they became a sort of statesman’s text-book for the 
region. And yet they have hitherto remained unpub- 
lished and almost unknown to scholars. 

No attempt has been made to publish here all the ob- 
tainable writings of, to, or about De Méziéres, only such 
being included as relate primarily to his services after 
he became a Spanish subject through the transfer of 
Louisiana to Spain in 1762. Nor could all of such avail- 
able be included, and selection has not been the least 
of the editor’s tasks. The major portion of the docu- 
ments have been gathered from the archives of Mexico 
and Spain, a fact which illustrates the great importance 
of those archives for the early history of the Southwest. 
Several papers not found in Mexico or Spain, however, 
were obtained from the Bancroft Collection at the Uni- 
versity of California, the British Museum, and the 
Bexar Archives at the University of Texas. The collec- 
tion of Papeles Procedentes de la Isla de Cuba, at Se- 
ville, was found to be especially rich in original manu- 
scripts throwing light on the Louisiana side of the Louis- 
iana- Texas frontier, and in this way to supplement the 
view which had formerly been gained from the archives 
of Mexico and Spain. Materials for the early career of 
De Méziéres were found in the archives of France, 
while a small amount of information was secured from 
Louisiana. 3 

Acknowledgments are due especially to Mr. Roscoe 
R. Hill for providing me with the necessary bibli- 
ographical data regarding the contents of the group of 
papers in Seville named above, and for supervising the 
making of my transcripts from that collection. ‘Thanks 
are due to Mr. Colin B. Goodykoontz, Mr. W. E. Dunn, 
and Mrs. Beatrice Quijada Cornish for valued assistance 


16 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


in compiling the work; to Professor F. J. Teggart, Mr. 
Hill, Mr. Goodykoontz, and Mr. Thomas Maitland 
Marshall for reading the “Introduction” ; and to Profes- 
sor W. A. Merrill for aid with the Latin passages. 

HERBERT E. BOLTON. 
Berkeley, California, April, 1913. 


HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 


THE INDIAN IN THE HISTORY OF THE LOUISIANA- 
TEXAS FRONTIER, 1685-1780 


In order to understand conditions on the northeastern 
frontier of New Spain and the southwestern frontier of 
Louisiana during the period following the transfer of 
the latter to Spain, which is the principal theme of the 
documents here published, one must have a correct gen- 
eral notion of the distribution, movements, and inter- 
relations of the various native groups of the same region 
and of the nature of the contact of the Spaniards and the 
French with these groups and with each other in relation 
to these groups before the period covered. ‘To provide 
such an historical background is the purpose of the brief 
sketch constituting this Introduction and of the accom- 
panying map. 

While some of the facts involved in this sketch are 
well known to specialists in the field, many others have 
not been available; moreover, it is hoped that the survey 
here presented from the standpoint of the different tribal 
confederacies will serve to make more clear than has 
ever yet been shown the importance of these groups as 
separate factors in the unfolding, and consequently in 
the interpretation, of the history of the area and period 
concerned.* 


1 Documentary sources for the organization, distribution, and early history 
of the tribes treated in this sketch are still largely in manuscript form. For 
the tribes of eastern Texas and western Louisiana, and the relations of the 
French with them during the eighteenth century, much is to be found, of course, 
in Margry’s Découvertes et Etablissements des Francais dans L’ouest et dans 


18 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





The Native Tribes of Texas and western Louisiana in 
the eighteenth century 


When at the close of the seventeenth century the 
Spaniards and the French came face to face on the 
Louisiana-Texas frontier in a contest for commerce and 
empire, they found there several well marked groups or 
confederacies of native tribes, which, sooner or later, 
became so many bases for the struggle. Viewed from 
the standpoint of their geographical relation to the Span- 
ish possessions, they represented two broad divisions, an 
outer and an inner, which in relation to international 
politics were respectively of primary and secondary im- 
portance. The frontier groups formed a great arc ex- 
tending from the Karankawa on the Gulf coast eastward 
through the Arkokisa and Bidai to the Hasinai and the 
Caddo, and then westward through the Tonkawa and 
Wichita to the Apache (later to the Comanche) of the 
upper Red and Arkansas Rivers. Farther north and 


le Sud de L’Amérique Septentrionale and in French’s Historical Collections of 
Louisiana, though it is to be noted that some of the documents printed in the 
latter work are far from being faithful copies of the originals. Indeed this 
charge has been made against some of Margry’s. The guide to the principal 
archives of France being prepared for the Carnegie Institution of Washington 
by Mr. W. G. Leland will doubtless bring to light a great store of sources for 
the subject hitherto not generally known or available. For documentary mate- 
rial relating to the tribal history of most of the tribes of Texas and to their 
early relations with the Europeans, recourse must be had in the main to the 
archives of Mexico, Spain, and Texas. A collection of perhaps twenty-five 
thousand sheets of transcripts of documents in these archives has been made by 
the present writer and is now in his possession. Some results of a study of the 
early Texas tribes made within recent years in the archives of Mexico and 
Texas have appeared in Part u of Handbook of American Indians North of 
Mexico (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin, no. 30, edited by Frederick 
Webb Hodge, 1910) and others are printed in various articles in the Texas 
State Historical Association, Quarterly. ‘Though no attempt will be made in 
this brief sketch to furnish a complete bibliography, special sources of informa- 
tion will be cited in connection with the different points discussed. Most of 
the Spanish manuscripts here cited are transcripts in the author’s private col- 
lection, which will be referred to as B. Mss. 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 19 


west, on the New Mexico — Louisiana frontier, were the 
Jumano, of the Arkansas, and the Pawnee, of the re- 
gion south of the Platte. The inner division lay be- 
tween this cordon of frontier groups and the Rio 
Grande. In the sketch which follows the groups will be 
described in a geographical order, but the contest for 
the control of the separate divisions will be considered 
in an order determined in general by historical develop- 
ments rather than by geographical location.’ 

THE KARANKAWA. The region embracing the Gulf 
coast and the littoral islands from Galveston Bay to and 
perhaps beyond the mouth of the San Antonio River 
was the home of the Karankawan tribes, who occupied 
from the first a peculiar position on the frontier be- 
tween France and Spain. Though there were numer- 
ous petty subdivisions of this group, its principal tribes 
(using the most common Spanish forms of the names) 
were the Cujanes, Carancaguasas, Guapites or Coapites, 
Cocos, and Copanes. They were closely interrelated, 
and all apparently spoke dialects of the same language, 
which was different from that of their neighbors far- 
ther inland. Unless the Coahuiltecan tribes be ex- 
cepted, these Karankawa represented perhaps the lowest 
grade of native society in all Texas. They were fierce 
cannibals, were frequently at war with the interior 
tribes, and were from their first contact with the Euro- 


2 Contrary to the commonly accepted opinion that Texas, on the coming of 
the Europeans, was inhabited by roving tribes, without fixed habitat, it is a 
fact that, with the exception of the southward migration of the Wichita and 
Comanche, and of the retreat of the Lipan before the last-named tribe, the 
larger Texas groups were relatively stable all through the eighteenth century. 
Thus, the Caddo, the Hasinai, the Bidai, the Arkokisa, and the Karankawa, 
were to be found at the end of the eighteenth century in essentially the same 
places where they had been encountered at the end of the seventeenth or at the 
opening of the eighteenth. It might be said that the eastern Texas tribes were 
relatively stable, while in western Texas there was a general movement south- 
ward. 


20 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


peans to the end of the Spanish régime regarded as par- 
ticularly dangerous to mariners on that perilous coast, 
not a few of whom succumbed to their savage attacks.* 

THE BIDAI, ARKOKISA, AND ATTACAPA. Lying to the 
eastward and northeastward of the Karankawa and on 
the Louisiana- Texas frontier, were the tribes occupying 
the region between the Hasinai Confederacy and the 
Gulf coast. ‘They were, principally, the Bidai, Arko- 
kisa, and Deadoses, who lived on either side of the lower 
Trinity, and farther east, the Attacapa, on the lower 
Neches and Sabine and to the eastward thereof. These 
tribes, formerly but no longer thought to be Caddoan, 
were of somewhat higher advancement than the Karan- 
kawa, were all closely associated with one another, and 
were evidently kin.* 

THE HASINAI. West of the Sabine River, on the An- 
gelina and the upper Neches, was the compact Hasinai 
[ Asinai, Cenis, Texas] Confederacy, consisting of some 
ten or more tribes, of which the best known were the 

3 For the Karankawan tribes see Gatschet, “The Karankawa Indians” [Pea- 
body Museum, Archeological and Ethnological Papers, vol. i, no. 2, 1891]; 
Bolton, “The Founding of Mission Rosario,” in the Texas State Historical As- 
sociation, Quarterly, vol. x, 113-139. References to the ill fate of shipwrecked 
mariners among the cannibals of this coast, beginning with the Cabeza de 
Vaca party, in 1528, are frequent in the annals of Texas and Louisiana clear 
down to the nineteenth century. 

£A great addition to our knowledge of this group of tribes has been made 
by the present writer’s study of hitherto unused manuscript sources relative to 
the activities of the Spaniards on the lower Trinity and on the San Xavier 
River in the eighteenth century, and by the work of Dr. John R. Swanton, of 
the Bureau of American Ethnology, upon the tribes of western Louisiana. The 
results of Dr. Swanton’s work are published in his Indian Tribes of the Lower 
Mississippi Valley and Adjacent Coast of the Gulf of Mexico [Bureau of 
American Ethnology, Bulletin, no. 43, Washington, 1911]. For information 
relative to the Bidai-Arkokisa groups I am particularly indebted to the manu- 
script thesis of Miss Elise D. Brown (now Mrs. Lane), one of my former 
students at the University of Texas. My researches have determined the lin- 


guistic affiliation of the Bidai, Deadoses, and Arkokisa with each other, and of 
the Mayeye with the Tonkawa. 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 21 


Hainai, Nacogdoche, Nebedache, Nasoni, and Nadaco. 
None of the tribes lived as far west as the Trinity 
River.” The Hasinai were a settled people, who ap- 
parently had been long in the place where they were 
found at the end of the seventeenth century, and where 
they remained with little geographical change through- 
out the eighteenth. They lived in scattered agricultural 
villages, in large conical, communal, grass lodges, and 
raised relatively extensive crops of maize, beans, cala- 
bashes, and sunflowers. This food was supplemented 
by wild vegetable products, small game, bear, and deer 
from the woods near by, and by buffalo from the prai- 
ries beyond the Brazos.° 

THE CApDpo. Another group, the Caddo, as it is now 
called, extended along both banks of the Red River 
from the lower Natchitoches tribe,‘ in the vicinity of the 


5’This statement is made necessary by the persistent following of old 
writers, who supposed that the Cenis lived on the Trinity. See, for example, 
as the latest instance, Coman, Economic Beginnings of the Far West, vol. i, 95. 
The same author is very much confused regarding the Texas and the Cenis, 
apparently thinking them distinct [zb7d., 95, 99]. 

® For a brief sketch of the Hasinai group of tribes, with a discussion of the 
meaning and usage of the names “Texas” and “Hasinai,” see Bolton: “Native 
Tribes about the East Texas Missions,” in the Texas State Historical Associa- 
tion, Quarterly, vol. xi, 249-276. The best single original source for the early 
Hasinai is the unpublished manuscript “Relacién” of Fray Francisco Casafias 
de Jesis Maria, written in 1691 at the mission of Santisimo Nombre de Maria, 
on the Neches River. It bears the date of August 15, 1691. A sketch of the 
civilization of these tribes, based mainly on this Relacién is that by Mrs. Lee 
C. Harby, in the American Historical Association, Annual Report, 1894, pp. 
63-82. It gives a fair summary of the document, but a very imperfect notion 
of its bearing. Articles by Bolton on the different Hasinai tribes, as on most 
of the tribes hereinafter mentioned, will be found in Handbook of American 
Indians. 

7’'The existence of an upper Natchitoches tribe living near the great bend 
of the Red River, distinct from the lower Natchitoches living at the site of the 
city of Natchitoches, is commonly overlooked (see Fletcher, in Handbook of 
American Indians, part ii), but its existence is thoroughly established by 
numerous sources. Indeed, a failure to recognize it has led to much confusion 
regarding the route of the De Soto party west of the Mississippi River. 


22 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


present Louisiana city of this name, to the Natsoos and 
Nassonites tribes, above the great bend of the Red River 
in southwestern Arkansas and southeastern Oklahoma. 
The best known members of this group were the Cado- 
dacho [ Kadohadacho, Grand Cado], or Caddo proper, 
Petit Cado, upper and lower Natchitoches, Adaes, 
Yatasi, Nassonites, and Natsoos.* 

The Caddo and the Hasinai, both divisions of the 
great Caddoan linguistic stock, were similar in culture 
and spoke nearly or quite the same language. The Ais 
tribe, which lay between the Caddo and the Hasinai 
groups, though somewhat distinct from either, ethnol- 
ogists believe, in the main shared the history of the lat- 
ter. The traditional enemy of the Caddo and the 
Hasinai were the Osage, of the Arkansas and Osage 
Rivers, and the Apache of the west. Hostility between 
these groups continued to the end of the eighteenth cen- 
tury, and even later, and was a constant factor in the 
policy of tribal balance alike pursued by France and 
Spain. 

THE TONKAWAN TRIBES. Occupying a wide range in 
east-central and northeastern ‘Texas in the middle of the 
eighteenth century were the Tonkawa and related bands. 
Just what their early range had been is not known with 
certainty, but it evidently extended farther north than 
in later days. What were apparently the Tonkawa and 
Yojuane were encountered in 1719 by Du Rivage on the 
Red River seventy leagues above the Cadodacho, while 
at the same period tribes seemingly Tonkawan were liv- 


8 See Mooney, “Caddo and Associated Tribes,” in Bureau of American 
Ethnology, Fourteenth Annual Report; and Fletcher, the article under “Caddo” 
in Handbook of American Indians, part i. These articles were written largely 
on the basis of English sources and of recent conditions and traditions among 
the Caddo, and without the knowledge of their early history that has since 
come to light through a study of the Spanish sources, hence the failure of the 
authors to distinguish with sufficient clearness the Hasinai and the Caddo. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 23 


ing in central ‘Texas near the Colorado. Their range 
may have been between these points. In the middle of 
the eighteenth century the best known divisions of the 
group were usually found between the Colorado and 
the ‘Trinity Rivers, chiefly above the Camino Real lead- 
ing from San Antonio to Los Adaes. In the earlier days 
there had lived on either side of the Colorado below the 
Camino Real a number of minor tribes, perhaps also of 
Tonkawan stock; but by 1750 most of them had disap- 
peared, leaving as the principal divisions of the stock 
the Tonkawa, Yojuane, Mayeye, and the highly mixed 
band of the Yerbipiame, or Ervipiame. ‘These tribes 
were wanderers, who planted few crops, but lived upon 
the buffalo and small game. Sometimes hostile to the 
Hasinai and Wichita groups, they were usually ready 
to join them against the dread Apache, their all-too- 
close neighbors on the west.” 

THE WICHITA. ‘As the veil of the unknown was 
gradually lifted from the district farther north and west, 
there emerged into view, first on the Canadian River 
and later on the upper Red,” Brazos, and Trinity Riv- 
ers, another group of Caddoan tribes, known to the 
Spaniards of New Mexico as Jumano and to the French 
as Panipiquet or Panis, but now collectively called by 
ethnologists the Wichita. Of these tribes the best known 
to the Spaniards were the Taovayas and Wichita, who 
habitually lived, after they came distinctly into view, on 
the upper Brazos, the Wichita, and the upper Red Riv- 
ers; and southeast of these, the T’awakoni, the Yscanis, 
and the Kichai, on the Brazos and the Trinity. During 
the period between 1770 and 1780 a portion of the Panis- 
Mahas, or Skidi, disturbed it is believed by the Louis- 


9 For the Tonkawan tribes, see especially Bolton, in Handbook of American 
Indians under “Tonkawa,” “Yojuane,” “Mayeye,” and “Sana,” 
10 See page 45. 


24 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES | [ Vol. 


iana cession and the movements of the Osage, came south 
from the Missouri River and settled with the Taovayas, 
where they remained until the nineteenth century. 
The civilization of the Wichita was essentially like 
that of the Caddo and the Hasinai, though they were 
more warlike, less fixed in their habitat, and more bar- 
barous, even practicing cannibalism extensively. While 
they spoke a Caddoan dialect or dialects, their language 
was considerably distinct from that of the Hasinai and 
the Caddo. ‘The three groups were closely allied, and 
had as common enemies, on the one hand, the Apache of 
the west, and, on the other, the Osage of the north.” 
THE APACHE AND THE COMANCHE. The greater por- 
tion of western Texas was the home first of the Apache, 
a name which included various rather distinct nations, 
and later of the Apache and the Comanche, the latter na- 
tion also being subdivided into various bands. ‘Though 
these two peoples were quite distinct, were the bitterest 
of enemies, and bore quite different relations to frontier 
history, yet, because of their close historical and geo- 
graphical relations to each other, for present purposes 
they can best be described together. ‘Till after the 
opening of the eighteenth century the Apache tribes, 
especially the Lipan, regarded as their own the territory 
from the upper Nueces and Medina Rivers to the upper 
Red and Colorado, while their range between summer 
and winter might cover many hundred miles. But now 
the Comanche, an off-shoot of the Shoshoni of Wyom- 
ing, appeared in the north. About 1700 they reached 
New Mexico and the Panhandle country. Next they 
attacked the Apache and crowded them southward, de- 
stroying the extensive Apache settlements of southwest- 


11 See article on “Wichita” in Handbook of American Indians, and author- 
ities therein cited. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 25 


ern Kansas, and occupying the northern Apache lands 
themselves. ‘To mark the beginning of the southward 
advance, later Spanish writers tell of a terrible defeat 
which the Lipan-Apache had met early in the eighteenth 
century at the hands of the Comanche in a nine days’ 
battle on the Rio del Fierro, a stream which seems to 
have been the Wichita River. By the middle of the 
century the more usual haunts of the Lipan were the 
districts about the San Saba River, in west central ‘Texas, 
while the upper Colorado, Brazos, and Red Rivers were 
in the hands of the Comanche. At this time the Car- 
lanes, who early in the century had lived in southwestern 
Kansas, the Chilpaines, Palomas, Pelones, Faraones, 
and Natagés, were all living southeastward from Santa 
Fé in what are now eastern New Mexico and western 
Texas. ‘The Comanche continued to press their retreat- 
ing enemy southward, and by 1777 the Lipan were liv- 
ing on both sides of the Rio Grande, while the Mescalero 
had retreated to the Bolson de Mapimi, in Coahuila. 
The statements of Yoakum and others, to the effect that 
the habitat of the Comanche and the Apache on the eve 
of Spanish occupation was near the Rio Grande and the 
Gulf coast, are entirely unwarranted by the early rec- 
ords.”* 


12 Cabello, Informe . . . sobre pazes de los Apaches Lipdnes en la 
Colonia del Nuevo Santander, 1784 [B. Mss.]. Lafora’s map (1771) shows 
Rio del Fierro. The name (River of the Iron) suggests the worshipped me- 
‘teorite mentioned by De Méziéres in 1772 in that region. The best and almost 
the sole study of the Apache of western Texas is the thesis of Mr. W. E. Dunn, 
one of my students in Leland Stanford Jr. University, on “Apache Relations in 
Texas, 1718-1750” printed in the Texas State Historical Association, Quarterly, 
in 1910. While he found Cabello’s Informe useful, he also found it to contain 
numerous errors. 

Powell’s map of the “Linguistic Families of American Indians North of 
Mexico” (Bureau of American Ethnology, Seventh Annual Report) on the first 
contact with Europeans, shows the Shoshonean stock, with the Comanche in 
mind, no doubt, to extend south below Austin, Texas. This is very erroneous, 


26 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


The Apache was a veritable Ishmael of the plains, for 
his hand was against every man and every man’s hand 
was against him. As far back as history reaches, his 
nation was hostile to most of the preceding groups of 
tribes, as well as to those along the whole Rio Grande 
from EI Paso to its mouth. Indeed, the word “Texas,” 
in its broader sense, seems to have signified among the 
eastern tribes the common enemy of the Apache [ Sad- 
ammo, Cannecy], and to have included fifty or more 
tribes. As an illustration of this widespread hostility 
to the Apache it may be noted that Joseph Urrutia, who 
lived with the Indians of eastern and central Texas from 
1693 to about 1700, claimed, perhaps with exaggeration, 
to have more than once led ten thousand or more allies 
against this common enemy.’* But the Apache, in their 
long sweeping raids into the territory of the eastern 
tribes and into the Spanish settlements, usually repaid 
with good interest all injuries received. 

While of the Texas and Louisiana tribes it was prin- 
cipally these groups on the northeastern frontier of 
Texas that furnished questions of international interest, 
as between France and Spain, they were by no means 
the only ones that occupied the attention of the provin- 
cial, or even of the national, officials. Because of inter- 
tribal alliances and hostilities and of the field which 
they offered to French traders, both Spanish and French 
policy with regard to the more important frontier 


for it was well into the eighteenth century before the Comanche lived, or even 
ranged habitually, as far south as that. Yoakum [in Wooten, Comprehensive 
History of Texas, vol. i, 10-11] says “They occupied the Rio Grande as low as 
the mouth of the Salado, and raided the colonies of Panuco, Ei Paso, Monclova, 
and Monterrey.” ‘This was not true until very late in the eighteenth century, 
if at all. The Lipan he pictures as living in the later seventeenth century with 
the Karankawa, along the coast from the Rio Grande to the lower Brazos and 
Colorado Rivers. ‘This is as incorrect as the foregoing opinion regarding the 
Comanche. 
13 See Urrutia’s letters cited in footnote 27. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 27 


groups at all times involved a consideration of those of 
the Spanish interior, while to the Spaniards these latter 
were a constant factor of internal politics and mission- 
ary development. 

THE COAHUILTECAN TRIBES. At the end of the sev- 
enteenth century the Spaniards found between the lower 
San Antonio and the lower Rio Grande Rivers a re- 
markably large number of small and weak tribes, now 
called collectively Coahuiltecan, or Pakwan, from the 
common language which many of them spoke. In the 
earlier years of Spanish contact they extended from the 
coast inland to and beyond the Camino Real, or public 
highway, leading from San Antonio to the mission of 
San Juan Bautista, below modern Eagle Pass. Within 
this area some seventy different tribal or subtribal divi- 
sions have been identified by the present writer. Among 
them some of the more prominent were the Xarame, 
Pampopa, Pacoa, Payaya, Aguastayas, Pacuache, Ocana, 
Papanac, Pastaloca, and Patzau. These were the tribes 
or bands that furnished the bulk of the neophytes for the 
San Antonio and Rio Grande missions. But by the mid- 
dle of the eighteenth century many of the bands had 
become much reduced or had entirely disappeared, ex- 
hausted by smallpox, measles, and the drain made by 
the missions. Soon after this date, the Lipan, the great 
Apache division of whom the Coahuiltecan tribes stood 
in mortal dread, crowded southward into the original 
territory of the Coahuiltecos and forced the survivors 
to the coast.” 


14The chief sources of information for the Coahuiltecan tribes are the 
diaries, mostly unprinted as yet, of the early expeditions into Texas, baptismal 
records of the San Antonio and the Rio Grande missions, and the various reports 
of the missionaries. <A list of the tribes on the coast between the Rio Grande 
and the San Antonio in 1780 is given by Governor Cabello in a report of this 
date [B. Mss.]. See also Bartolomé Garcia, Manual para Administrar los 
Santos Sacramentos (Mexico, 1760), “Introduction.” 


28 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


THE XARANAME, TAMIQUE, AND OTHERS. Inland 
from the Karankawa, on either side of the lower Guada- 
lupe River, lived theXaraname, Tamique, and smaller 
kindred bands. As they occupied the border land be- 
tween four great stocks, the Coahuiltecan, Karankawan, 
Bidai-Arkokisa, and Tonkawan, it is hard to say to 
which of these, if any, they belonged. It is believed, 
however, that they spoke a language distinct from that 
of the Karankawa, their nearest neighbors on the south. | 
It may possibly be significant in this connection that 
when about 1760 the Xaraname apostatized and left 
their mission they joined the Tonkawa. Perhaps, how- 
ever, the affinity, which directed them thither, was only 
one of customs and not of language or race. 

In the same general border region, between the upper 
San Antonio and Colorado Rivers, there were, in earlier 
times, numerous other tribes or sub-tribes whose affilia- 
tion has not yet been definitely determined. Among 
them the Cantuna, Tojo, Toaja, Emet, and Cavas, bands 
or tribes with some marks of Tonkawan affinity, were 
prominent. It is even possible that the data which has 
been more recently accumulated may be sufficient to 
establish in this region a distinct linguistic family. But 
by the middle of the eighteenth century most of the 
bands had disappeared or had been absorbed by their 
stronger neighbors.” 


The Contest for the Control of the frontier Tribes 


Such were the principal native groups on the frontier 
between New Spain and Louisiana during the century 
following the conquest. ‘The domination of the north- 
easternmost tier of tribes, as they came successively into 
view, was one of the chief tangible objects of the policies 


15 The sources for this paragraph are similar in character to those mentioned 
for the Coahuiltecan tribes. See footnote 14. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 29 


of both Spain and France with respect to the frontier 
during the greater part of that century. Back of this 
motive was the ultimate object of territorial possession ; 
but it was recognized by both Spain and France that, 
with systems not involving extensive colonization, to at- 
tain this object the first requisite was to establish an in- 
fluence over the natives of the district desired. More 
tangible still than either of these national policies and at 
times even at variance with them, though usually the 
best instruments at hand for their attainment, were, on 
the one hand, private interest in the trade which the 
frontier tribes afforded, and, on the other hand, the zeal 
of the missionaries to bring them to the knowledge of 
the Christian faith. 

The effort expended by the two competing nations to 
maintain an influence over these tribes had, from the 
first moment of contact to the time when Louisiana was 
ceded to Spain, the nature of a contest. It was desul- 
tory, indeed, in the main, and was waged only to a slight 
extent with the weapons of military warfare. But a 
contest it was nevertheless. The principal weapon used 
by the French was the Indian trader and agent, by the 
Spaniards, the Franciscan missionary, each being backed 
by a small display of military force. 

FOR THE CONTROL OF THE KARANKAWA. The first 
point on the northeastern frontier of New Spain to be 
seriously threatened by the French was the country of 
the Karankawa, on the Gulf coast. In 1685 La Salle 
landed by mistake in Matagorda Bay and founded near 
the Lavaca River a little colony, intended to be tempo- 
rary because accidental, but protected by a fort, called 
Saint Louis. The settlement had the Karankawan tribes 
for neighbors, and was destroyed by them so far as this 
office was left unperformed by dissension and disease." 


16 Joutel, “Relation,” in Margry, Découvertes, vol. iti, 91-534; Clark, op. cit. 


30 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


Incited by interest in the Indian tribes northeastward 
of the Rio Grande and by rumors of a threatened French 
expedition under the Count of Pefialosa, the Spanish 
government, for some time before La Salle made his 
chance settlement, had been planning to explore this 
coast, with a view to occupying it and making it the base 
for an overland route to New Mexico and for the con- 
version of the provinces of Tagago and Gran Quivira.” 
By the actual danger involved in La Salle’s settlement 
the government of New Spain was now aroused to ef- 
fective activity. Matagorda Bay, then called Espiritu 
Santo by the Spaniards and Saint Bernard by the 
French, was explored, the French fort was destroyed, 
and proposals to occupy the site were considered. But 
circumstances, related in a later paragraph, had already 
caused a transference of attention to the country of the 
Hasinai, and little further was done toward subduing 
and controlling the Karankawa until danger again 
threatened in their country, more than a quarter of a 
century later. 

In 1718 the French founded New Orleans. Imme- 
diately they extended their operations among the Chiti- 
macha and Attacapa tribes of the coast to the westward 
of the Mississippi, and planned to take possession again 
of the Bay of Saint Bernard, claimed by right of La 
Salle’s settlement. To effect this purpose La Harpe 
was sent out in 1721 at the head of a maritime expedi- 
tion, while St. Denis planned to secure the codperation 
overland of the Hasinai and Cadodacho Indians; but 
the Indians of the coast where La Harpe landed, whose 
identity is uncertain, forced him to abandon the project. 


17 Royal cédula, Dec. 10, 1678, Archivo General y Piiblico, Mexico, Reales 
Cédulas y Ordenes, vol. 16, no. 98 ff. 189-190; royal cédula, Aug. 2, 1685, id., 
vol. 60, no. 111, ff. 272-276. See a map and a report on this matter listed in 
Lowery, Descriptive List of Maps of Spanish Possessions, 172. 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 31 


La Harpe’s was the last known French attempt to con- 
trol by military force and settlement this part of the 
Gulf coast, but the French traders by sea and land soon 
passed the mouth of the Trinity to work among the 
Karankawan Indians, while the officials of Louisiana 
continued down to the Louisiana cession to reassert the 
territorial claims established by La Salle.” 

Stirred again by these renewed activities of the 
French on the coast and with the idea of supporting the 
establishments just planted among the Hasinai, in 1718 
the viceroy of New Spain authorized the founding of a 
mission and a presidio at San Antonio and sent an ex- 
ploring expedition under Alarcon to Espiritu Santo 
Bay,” though the bay was not reached. Three years’ 
later, in the year of La Harpe’s ill-fated expedition, a 
Spanish garrison was sent to occupy the site of La 
Salle’s fort, and in the following year the Marqués de 
Aguayo established there, among the Karankawa, the 
presidio of Nuestra Sefiora de Loreto and the mission of 
Nuestra Sefiora del Espiritu Santo de Zufiga. But the 
hostilities of the natives and the disadvantages of the site 
caused the removal of these establishments four years 
later to the Guadalupe River, some ten leagues away, 
among the more docile Xaraname and Tamique tribes. 

~In 1749 the presidio and mission were again removed, 


18 Documents in Margry, of. cit., vol. vi, 319, 347-354. For a discussion of 
the question of the boundary between the French and the Spanish possessions, 
see Cox, “Louisiana-Texas Frontier,” in the Texas State Historical Association, 
Quarterly, vol. x, 1-75. See also letters of Macarty, commandant at Natch- 
itoches, Sept. 10, 1763 [Lamar Papers] and November 17, 1763 [Nacogdoches 
Archives]. 

19Fray Pedro Pérez de Mezquia, Diario Derrotero q se fromo con toda 
legalidad en la entrada q hizo el Gen! D” Martin de Alarconala Proa de los 
Texas. Ms. in Col. Santa Cruz de Querétaro. This diary shows that Alarcon 
attempted to get to Bahia del Espiritu Santo by going to the New Braunfels 
crossing of the Guadalupe, thence to the coast, but, unexpectedly finding that 
the San Marcos joined the Guadalupe, regarded himself as lost, and returned. 


32 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


this time to the lower San Antonio, at the present site 
of Goliad, whither the Xaraname were transferred with 
their mission. 

Up to this time little had been done since 1726 toward 
subduing the Karankawan tribes, who had maintained 
a hostile attitude and had resisted all efforts to chris- 
tianize them. But about 1745 Father Mariano de 
Molina went among them, and shortly afterward the 
Cocos and some others of the group were taken to the 
San Xavier missions on the present San Gabriel River.” 
In 1754 another mission, that of Nuestra Sefiora del 
Rosario, was founded for the Karankawan tribes, being 
placed on the lower San Antonio close to the Xaraname 
mission. But the Karankawa were still as impervious 
to civilizing influences as they had been in earlier days, 
and after 1770 the Spanish officials considered long and 
often the plan of exterminating the race, as the only safe- 
guard against their fierce hostility. Such a plan, in- 
volving the codperation of the forces of Louisiana and 
Texas, is the theme of a most interesting report made 
in 1779 to the commandant-general of the Interior Prov- 
inces by Athanase de Mézieéres, lieutenant-governor of 
Louisiana.’ Later activity among the Karankawa, at 
the mission of the Nuestra Sefiora del Refugio, seems to 
have been somewhat more successful, but this is a mat- 
ter which falls outside the period under consideration. 

Soon after the removal of their mission to the San 
Antonio — the exact date is not quite clear — the greater 
part of the Xaraname deserted in a body and went to 
live with the ‘Tawakoni and Tonkawa, where they were 


20 Ortiz, Visita de las Missiones . . . en el ano de 1745, Oct. 11, 1745 
[B. Mss. ]. 

21 Pena, Derrotero, 1772; Letter of Juan Antonio Bustillo Zevallos to the 
viceroy, June 18, 1726; letter of Fernando Pérez de Almazan to the viceroy, 
July 4, 1726 [B. Mss.]; Bolton, “Founding of Mission Rosario,’ Texas State 
Historical Association, Quarterly, vol. x, 116-121. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 33 


found by De Meéziéres many years later. Their pres- 
ence among these Nations of the North was greatly 
complained of by the Spaniards, on the ground that they 
disclosed to the hostile tribes, whom they served as spies, 
their knowledge of the settlements gained during their 
mission life. ‘To restore the apostates to their mission, 
therefore, had long been a matter of great concern to 
both the government and the missionary fathers, and the 
aid which De Meézieéres gave, first to Father Abad and 
then to Father Garza, in bringing about this desired 
end, was one of his numerous services to the Spanish 
government. 

FOR THE CONTROL OF THE HASINAI. Although the 
first point in the dominions of New Spain to be threat- 
ened by the French had been in the land of the Karan- 
Kawa, it was the country of the Hasinai that first became 
the scene of direct and continued competition between 
Spain and France. How early Spanish influence had 
reached the Hasinai it would be difficult to determine, 
but it is known that when La Salle and his men visited 
them in 1686-1687 there were found among them and 
the tribes to the west numerous traces of communication, 
through intervening tribes, including evidently the 
Jumano, with the Spaniards of New Mexico.* The visit 


22 Report of De Méeziéres to Ripperda, July 4, 1772; De Méziéres to the 
viceroy, July 4, 1772; De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, Aug. 20, 1772. 
In the last named letter he says they had been apostates “more than ten years.” 

23 The best general secondary account of the activities of the French and 
Spanish among the Hasinai is found in Clark’s Beginnings of Texas, 1684-1718 
[University of Texas, Bulletin, no. 98, 1908]. A briefer account is in Garrison’s 
Texas [American Commonwealths]. A review of the relations of the French 
and the Spanish on the frontier in the eighteenth century, with special reference 
to the boundary, is in Cox’s “Texas-Louisiana Frontier,” in the Texas State 
Historical Association, Quarterly, vol. x, 1-75. By the same author is “Sig- 
nificance of the Texas-Louisiana Boundary” in Mississippi Valley Historical 
Association, Proceedings, vol. iii, 198-213. See also Joutel, “Relation” in 
Margry, Découvertes et Etablissements, vol. iii, passim, and especially pp. 283, 
292, 299, 301, 338, 339. 


34 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


of La Salle’s party now gave the Hasinai a knowledge of 
French weapons and goods, and, through these and the 
aid which some of La Salle’s men gave them against 
their enemies, a predilection for the French that was 
never eradicated. But it was a decade before the dis- 
coveries of La Salle were followed up by the French 
authorities, a delay which proved fatal to territorial 
pretensions. 

To prevent the return of the subjects of France, and 
to assist in the spread of the Faith, the Spanish govern- 
ment supported the founding, in 1690, of two Fran- 
ciscan missions near the Neches River, in the Nabedache 
tribe. ‘This enterprise was led by General Alonso de 
Leon, governor of Coahuila, and Fray Damian Mas- 
sanet, a Franciscan missionary of the same province and 
a member of the College of the Holy Cross of Quere- 
taro. Inthe following year Domingo Teran and Father 
Massanet were sent to strengthen the missions already 
founded, establish others, search for rumored French- 
men, and get a foothold farther inland among the Cad- 
odacho. But, although their reports of the expedition 
are of great historical importance, they accomplished 
little with respect to their first object, and even less with 
respect to the others. ‘The government now transferred 
its attention to the occupation of Pensacola Bay, while 
the missionaries, discouraged at the small results of three 
years’ labor, and fearing violence at the hands of the un- 
manageable Indians, in October, 1693, abandoned the 
missions on the Neches.“ Thereafter, with slight excep- 
tions, the Hasinai country was left undisturbed by both 
French and Spanish alike for over a score of years; and 
when the two nations again met on the same grounds it 





24 Clark, op. cit., 9-42. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 35 


was with a most unusual and puzzling mixture of co- 
operation, connivance, and rivalry. 

During the interval the French explored the Red 
River as far as the Cadodacho country, while the Span- 
iards, from their missions on the Rio Grande,” extended 
their work to the tribes between that river and the San 
Antonio. Occasionally there came to the Rio Grande 
settlements rumors of Frenchmen among the Hasinai 
and the Cadodacho, but upon investigation none of them 
seemed to warrant a counter-expedition.” Meanwhile, 
communication of the Spaniards with the Hasinai was 
not entirely cut off. Joseph Urrutia, who in the retreat 
of 1693 had been left disabled on the San Marcos (now 
Colorado) River, remained several years among the In- 
dians and acquired over them the great influence to 
which allusion has already been made.” Father Fran- 
cisco Hidalgo, a missionary on the Rio Grande, who be- 
fore 1693 had worked at the Nabedache missions, after 
1700 made various unsuccessful efforts to obtain per- 
mission to return to his former charge. In 1709 Fathers 
Olivares and Espinosa, both destined later to play im- 
portant roles in the history of northeastern New Spain, 
went with a military guard eastward across the Colo- 
rado, expecting, on what ground is not clear, to meet 


25 See Espinosa, Relacién Compendiosa del estado y progresos de las misiones 
del Rio Grande del Norte, Dec. 11, 1708, Ms. in the archive of the College of 
Santa Cruz de Querétaro, C., leg. 1; Autos sre diferentes providencias aplicadas 
por su Ex® p2 Conversion de Infieles en la prov* de Coaguila, 1700-1707, Ms. in 
the Archivo General, Mexico, Provincias Internas, vol. xxviii; Diario by Diego 
Ramon of an expedition into Texas in Feb., 1707, Ms., zbid. All in B. Mss. 

26 See reports of the investigation of such rumors in Coahuila and Nuevo 
Leén in 1703, Mss. in “Autos sre diferentes providencias,” etc., cited in foot- 
note 25. 

27 In a letter of July 4, 1733, and another of May 9, 1738, Urrutia tells 
something of his doings among the Texas tribes. Mss. in the Archivo General 
y Publico, Mexico. B. Mss. 


36 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 





there the Hasinai, and hoping to induce them to move 
to the Rio Grande missions.” Finally, in 1711 and 
1712, Father Hidalgo, after trying in vain to get from 
his government and his college help to restore the mis- 
sions, turned for aid first to the missionaries and then to 
the secular authorities of Louisiana.** His own ex- 
planation of this proceeding was that he felt assured that 
if he could but give an actual demonstration of the dan- 
ger from the French, he would be sure of aid in getting 
the coveted permission. ‘The outcome substantiates this 
explanation. His appeal to the missionaries, which in 
1713 fell into the hands of Governor Cadillac, arrived, 
as we shall see, at a most opportune time, from the 
standpoint of affairs in Louisiana. 

Interest in the Red River country on the part of the 
French had been quickened by the Crozat grant of 1712. 
In that year the king ceded to Antoine Crozat a fifteen- 
year monopoly of the trade of all the country south of 
the Illinois and between the Spanish and the English 
colonies. Of this grant it has been said that “it ushered 
in a new era for the French colony —an era in which 
commercialism prevailed to the detriment of political 
and territorial interest.’ Certain it is that in pursuance 
of its terms the Spaniards were encouraged by intention 
but coerced in fact to approach the Louisiana frontier, 


28 Ms. diary, by Olivares, in the archive of the College of Santa Cruz de 
Querétaro. B. Mss. 

29 The current view, that Hidalgo returned to eastern Texas between 1693 
and 1716, which originated with Clark [o/. cit.], is not supported by satisfactory 
evidence, up to the present. For indications to the contrary, see Arricivita, 
Crénica Serdfica y Apostélica, etc. (Mexico, 1792), 206-226. There are other 
sources which independently of this one show that view to be indubitably er- 
roneous. ‘The whole situation is cleared up in a large measure by some manu- 
script correspondence of 1714 never utilized, it is believed, since Arricivita used 
it. It consists of two letters written by St. Denis to Father Hidalgo on the 
former’s arrival at the Rio Grande, the reports of his arrival, and Hidalgo’s 
explanation to the viceroy. B. Mss. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 37 


and allowed to get a hold upon what is now eastern 
Texas and western Louisiana that was too strong to be 
set aside by any arguments that the French were able 
later to produce. 

To further the object of the Crozat grant Luis Juch- 
ereau de Saint Denis was sent in 1713 to the Natchitoches 
tribe to open up a trade with the Indians and, using 
Father Hidalgo’s letter as a pretext, to try to establish 
an overland commerce with the Spaniards of Mexico. 
On the island near the present city of Natchitoches he 
built storehouses and left a small garrison, and the post 
soon became the center of a flourishing trade with the 
Hasinai and the Caddo. From Natchitoches Saint 
Denis went to the Hasinai, and, after a journey to 
Natchez for more goods, he proceeded, in the summer 
of 1714, to San Juan Bautista, on the Rio Grande, in 
search of Father Hidalgo. Here he was arrested and 
sent in custody to the City of Mexico, where an inves- 
tigation was made of his proceedings.” 

Alarmed by what they learned from Saint Denis’s 
deposition lest the French should gain dominion over 
the eastern tribes and their territory, and pass beyond 
to monopolize the trade and discover the mines of Mex- 
ico, the authorities in Mexico organized an expedition 
designed to contest the advance of the French, as well as 
to carry out the long cherished plans of Father Hidalgo. 
Saint Denis, who perhaps regarded this step as the very 


30 A copy of St. Denis’s passport is in Memorias de Nueva Espana, vol. 
xxviii, f. r20. B. Mss. Clark says that St. Denis arrived at San Juan Bautista 
“probably early in 1715” [Texas State Historical Association, Quarterly, vol. 
vi, 12, note]. Documents in the archive of the College of Santa Cruz de 
Querétaro show that he arrived there July 19, 1714.. On the 18th, when three 
leagues from the Rio Grande, he addressed a letter to Father Hidalgo, whom 
he expected to find at the mission, telling of his approach. Finding that Hidalgo 
was at Querétaro, on the twentieth he dispatched another letter to him. K. Leg. 
1, no. 7. Copies in B. Mss. 


38 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


one to help on his superior’s plans for trade, and who, 
to quote Arricivita, “bore in his person that character 
which marks honorable men and makes it impossible to 
doubt their word,” * was plausible enough to overcome 
mistrust of his own designs and to get himself appointed 
guide for the expedition. ‘The enterprise, therefore, 
was put in charge of Domingo Ramon, for the civil and 
military, and Fathers Margil and Espinosa, for the re- 
ligious work, with St. Denis as cabo comboyador. 
Margil and Espinosa were respectively the representa- 
tives of the Colleges of Zacatecas and Querétaro. Pro- 
ceeding in 1716 to eastern Texas, they established four 
missions and a presidial garrison among the Hasina, 
where they found abundant evidence of a flourishing 
trade in French guns and other goods, which had grown 
up in the past few years. In the following spring they 
planted two more missions farther to the eastward in the 
tribes of the Ais and the Adaes, the latter establishment 
being well across the Sabine in what is now Louisiana 
and only seven leagues from the French post of Natchi- 
toches. The three easternmost missions were under the 
Zacatecas friars, the others under those from Querétaro. 

Meanwhile, the garrison at Natchitoches had been 
increased and a fort erected; and the return of the Span- 
iards in semi-military array was now answered by an- 
other increase of the garrison. But, though the French 
were prepared to resist any attempt that the Spaniards 
might make to cross the Red River, it was no part of the 
local authorities to drive them from the establishments 
which they had already made. On the contrary, it is 
very evident that they were inclined to encourage their 
progress, as a means of promoting trade over the border. 

But the Spaniards on the frontier, not fully under- 


31 Arricivita, op. cit., 222. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 39 


standing this policy and lacking the French zeal for 
trade, felt anything but safe,” while the French local 
authorities could not consistently maintain it, as was 
shown in 1719. When in that year war broke out in 
Europe between Spain and France, it spread at once to 
the colonies. Pensacola was promptly captured by the 
French of Mobile, and, contrary to the desires of the 
trading interests, orders were given to Blondel, the com- 
mandant at Natchitoches, to drive the Spaniards from 
Texas. In the execution of this command Blondel went 
in person to Los Adaes and arrested the only Spaniards 
who were there at the time and carried off the ornaments 
of the mission church. One of the prisoners, escaping, 
carried the news to Nacogdoches and the presidio on the 
Angelina, whereupon the missionaries and the garrison 
retreated to San Antonio, fearing, as they said, an attack 
by the French and Indians combined. As a punish- 
ment for their allegiance to the Spaniards, we are told, 
after the retreat of the latter the Adaes tribe were re- 
moved from their lands by the French and treated as 
enemies. After peace had been restored Blondel was 
reprimanded by La Harpe, representative of the Com- 
pany of the Indies, now proprietor of the colony, for his 
descent upon Los Adaes, and was required by him to 
apologize, though Blondel insisted, on good grounds, 
that in his advance upon the mission he had only obeyed 
orders.*° 

To restore the Spanish frontier the Marqués de 
Aguayo, the magnate of the Coahuila frontier, was now 
sent by the viceroy (1721) with the strongest military 
force that had ever yet entered Texas. He reéstablished 
the presidio of Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores, or ““Tex- 


32 Letter of Fathers Espinosa and Margil to the viceroy, July 2, 1719. B. Mss. 
33 Ibid.; Espinosa, Chrénica A postélica, 451, 453; Arricivita, Crénica A pos- 
télica, 99-100; Margry, vol. vi, 225, 395-306. 


40 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 





as,” and the six abandoned missions. More important 
still, he planted a new presidio in the Adaes tribe beside 
the mission of San Miguel. This establishment, which 
for half a century remained the capital of Texas, was on 
the site of the present Robeline, Louisiana. To prevent 
the French from reoccupying the Bay of Espiritu Santo 
[ Matagorda Bay], as well as to furnish a base of com- 
munications with Mexico by water, he also erected, in 
1722, a presidio and a mission on the site of La Salle’s 
fort, among the Karankawan tribes, as already has been 
stated.” 

While this expedition of the Marqués de Aguayo de- 
termined the political dominion of Spain over the coun- 
try of the Hasinai, the Ais, and the Adaes, it did not by 
any means give them undisputed sway over the minds of 
the natives. [he missionaries, unsupported by an ade- 
quate military force, failed almost completely to convert 
the Indians to the faith,” and regarded this failure as 
due in no small degree to the baneful influence of the 
nearby French. The men of the latter nation were skill- 
ful Indian traders and readily affiliated with the savages. 
On the other hand, the narrow commercial policy of the 
Spanish government permitted trade with the Indians 
only under the strictest regulations and entirely prohib- 
ited supplying them with firearms. As a consequence; 
the Hasinai continued to look to the French for their 


34 Pena, Juan Antonio de la. Derrotero de la Expedicioén en la Provincia de 
los Texas, Nuevo Reyno de Philipinas, etc. (Mexico, 1722). A copy entitled 
“Diario del Viage del Marqués de San Miguel de Aguayo,” etc., is in Memorias 
de Nueva Espana, vol. xxviii. It has numerous copyist’s errors. The best ac- 
count of the Aguayo expedition is the thesis by Miss Eleanor Buckley, one of my 
former students in the University of Texas, entitled “Expedition of the Marquis 
of Aguayo into Texas and Louisiana, 1719-1722,” and printed in the Texas 
State Historical Association, Quarterly, 1911. 

35 The description given by Coman [o/. cit., vol. i, 99] of the missions 
among the ‘“Tejas and Cenis,” does not apply at all to the missions of this region, 
where the Indians were never successfully “reduced.” 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 41 


weapons, ammunition, and most of their other articles 
of trade, for which they exchanged their peltry, and, to 
some extent, their agricultural products. The result 
was that, though the natives of this region usually court- 
ed the Spaniards, nominally their masters, and received 
from them their rega/os, or presents, it was the French 
whom they loved. 

After the vain attempts of St. Denis and La Harpe to 
open up a legalized trade with the Spaniards, the fron- 
tier authorities settled down to a long siege of outward 
hostility (much feigned at times we suspect) marked by 
constant bickerings over the boundary line, over con- 
traband trade, over the restitution of deserters and ab- 
sconding slaves, and over the allegiance and control of 
the natives. As time went on, the complaints, in Span- 
ish circles, of French trade and French influence among 
the Hasinai increased, though they were mingled, and 
sometimes justly, with accusations of complicity on the 
part of the Spanish officials. On this score none gained 
greater notoriety or was the occasion of more lavish 
expenditure of ink and paper by the superiors than Don 
Jacinto de Barrios y Jauregui, governor of Texas from 
1751 to 1759. By this time the cry was raised, and with 
truth, that the French traders, growing bolder, had set- 
tled permanently among the Indians west of the Sabine; 
and more than once — notably in 1752 and 1758 — did the 
Spaniards take unfeigned alarm at the rumors of risings 
of the Hasinai at the instigation of the French.* 

The usual Spanish view of the disastrous influence of 
the French upon Spanish interests in eastern Texas was 
well set forth by the Franciscan missionaries of San An- 


36 De Soto Vermudez, Investigacién, 1752-1753, Ms. in the Archivo General 
y Puiblico, Mexico, Historia, vol. 299; letter of De Méziéres to Fray Abad, Nov. 
28, 1759. Ms. in the Archivo General y Publico, Mexico, Historia, vol. 24. 
Copies in B. Mss. 


42 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


tonio in their report of March 6, 1762. “No less inju- 
rious,” they aver, ‘“‘is the proximity, by way of Los Adaes, 
to these same French. In the first place, having gained 
the devotion of most of the tribes of Indians, they pre- 
vent them from accepting the Holy Faith. For, as 
they do not care for this themselves, nor for anything 
relating to religion, they desire only to increase traffic 
and commerce in paints, beads, blankets, and, what is 
more coveted by the Indians, knives, guns, powder, and 
balls. ‘This licentious liberty is diametrically opposed 
to the Christian subjection sought by the Catholic Maj- 
esty, who considers the reduction of the Indians only for 
the salvation of their souls. In the second place, they 
prevent the extension of the Catholic dominions, and 
even decrease them by imperceptibly taking possession 
of much territory, the loss of which will some day be 
regretted when it is too late.” * 

Such were the main features of the desultory contest 
for the control of the Hasinai down to the time of the 
Louisiana cession. Meanwhile, during the three quar- 
ters of a century which it had covered, this group of 
tribes had become greatly reduced, mainly by the blight- 
ing touch of those diseases which in the eighteenth cen- 
tury wasted so many of the southwestern tribes. Some 
of the smaller bands had disappeared altogether, and 
the organization of the Confederacy, once relatively 
compact, numerous, and strong, but now demoralized by 
internal disintegration and by contact with the white 
man, had broken down. Asa result, the Hasinai tribes 
as seen and described by De Meézieres in 1779 were but 
a shadow of their former selves.** 

FOR THE CONTROL OF THE CADDO. The supremacy of 
the French among the Caddo and the Wichita, excepting 


37 Memorias de Nueva Espana, vol. xxviii, 163. 
38 See Documents 211-217. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 43 


the Adaes tribe, in whose very midst the Spanish fort 
was planted, was from the outset almost complete, and 
the feeble efforts of the Spaniards to eradicate French 
influence from among them were futile so long as Louis- 
lana remained a French province, while even thereafter 
the allegiance of these tribes was to the French as a race, 
and not to the Spanish government, under whom the 
French of Louisiana now lived. It is especially this 
fact that explains the exceptional importance of the ser- 
vices of De Meéezieres and other French agents to the 
Spanish government after the Louisiana cession. 

Asin the Hasinai country, the journey of the survivors 
of the La Salle party to the Cadodacho laid the basis of 
amicable relations between these Indians and the 
French. ‘This friendly feeling was strengthened by the 
visit made in 1689 by De Tonti while on his search for 
La Salle’s colony.” The Spanish government from the 
outset regarded the Cadodacho country as a strategic 
point of great importance. But the attempt made in 
1692 by Teran and the missionaries to explore the Cado- 
dacho country and to found a Spanish establishment 
there was a failure,** and although such a step was fre- 
quently considered thereafter, not till 1717, so far as is 
known, was another formal effort made by the Spanish 
authorities to enter that country. This attempt also 
failed, as will appear below. 

Meanwhile, the French were almost as dilatory as the 


39 The Teran party learned among the Cadodacho in 1692 of the visit there 
by a French party under the leadership of a “man who lacked one hand.” 
The reference, of course, is to De Tonti, “the man with the iron hand.” Docu- 
ment written by Fray Damian Massanet, one of the Teran party, 1692. Ms. in 
the Archivo General y Publico, Mexico. B. Mss. 

40 Teran, Descripcién y Diaria Demarcacién, etc., 1691-1692. MS. in the 
Archivo General y Publico, Mexico. A copy is in the Memorias de Nueva 
Espana, vol. xxvii; Autos of the Teran expedition. B. Mss. 


44 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


Spaniards in making real headway in the Caddo coun- 
try. At the close of the century Iberville projected an 
expedition to reconnoiter the Spanish settlements of 
New Mexico. In pursuance of this object Bienville 
and Saint Denis in 1700 explored the Red River to a 
village of the Yatasi, near modern Shreveport, where 
they heard of the Cadodacho. In the same year Saint 
Denis went up the Red River to the lower Natchitoches, 
with whom he made an alliance; from there he was 
conducted one hundred leagues overland to the Cado- 
dacho, where he was told, what he already knew, per- 
haps, that the Spaniards had abandoned their establish- 
ments in the Hasinai country.** Aside from this, little 
seems to have been done to strengthen the French hold 
until the trading post was erected at Natchitoches, in 
1713-1714. 

But now, as has been stated before, a lively trade with 
the Caddo and the Hasinai was opened up by the inde- 
fatigable, omnipresent French chasseurs. To head them 
off and at the same time save souls, Father Margil, for 
the Spaniards, in 1717 attempted to found missions for 
the Cadodacho and the Yatasi, but failed.” Several 
times subsequently the missionaries appealed for help 
to perform the same service, without result. 

In the year 1717 the hold that had already been 
gained by the French upon the Caddo country was 
strengthened by moving a part of the Yatasi tribe down 
the Red River and settling them among the lower Natch- 
itoches. But far more important was the establishment 
in the Cadodacho country of a garrisoned trading post 
by Bénard de la Harpe in 1719, a step which was has- 
tened by the report that Governor Alarcon, of Texas, 


41 Penicaut, ‘Relation,’ in Margry, Découvertes, vol. v, 420; Bienville, 
“Journal,” ibid., vol. iv, 432-443. 
42 Espinosa, Chrénica A postélica, 443. 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 45 


was about to establish a garrison there for the Span- 
iards.** The French fort, known as the Nassonite Post, 
was placed on the Red River, two leagues above the 
Cadodacho village and three below that of the Nasson- 
ites and the Natsoos.** ‘This establishment, which was 
maintained, part of the time with a garrison, till after 
the Louisiana cession, was an effective barrier to the 
Spaniards. Later on, when, it does not appear, other 
depots were established at the villages of the Petit Cados 
and Yatasi, further down the river. These trading 
establishments at Natchitoches and in the villages of the 
Cadodacho, Petit Cado, and Yatasi, together with the 
influence of the remarkable St. Denis, who in 1722 be- 
came commander at Natchitoches, and who till his death 
in 174.4 remained the master genius of the frontier, were 
the basis of an almost undisputed French domination 
over the Caddo tribes. More than once the Spanish 
authorities contemplated driving the French out of the 
Cadodacho village and erecting there a Spanish post, 
but either the energy, the courage, or the means to exe- 
cute the plan were lacking. 

FOR THE CONTROL OF THE WICHITA. It was apparent- 
ly the expedition of La Harpe in 1719 that first brought 
the French into contact with the Tonkawa and the Wich- 
ita tribes. While at the Nassonite village in that year 
he sent Du Rivage to reconnoiter the country farther on. 
Seventy leagues up the Red River Du Rivage met a 
party of Quidehais, Naouydiches, Joyvan, Huanchané, 
Huané, and Tancaoye returning from war with the 
Apache, and by means of presents which he bore for the 
purpose he gained their friendship. Among these tribal 
mames we recognize what were probably the later 
Kichai, Yojuan, and Tonkawa. Just where they were 


43 La Harpe, “Relation,” in Margry, of. cit., vol. vi, 255. 
44 Thid., 263. 


46 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


living at this time is not definitely known, but the infer- 
ence is that it was in the general vicinity where they were 
met, near the Red River. From the Nassonite village 
La Harpe went to the lower Canadian River and made 
an alliance with the nine tribes, collectively referred to 
as Touacara, whom he found settled there. Among 
these were the Touacara, Toayas, and Yscanis, who seem 
to have been the Tawakoni, Taovayas, and Yscanis, 
three of the principal Wichita tribes later found in 
northern Texas.* In this same year, 1719, the Span- 
iards of New Mexico heard that the Jumano, an Arkan- 
sas tribe of Wichita affiliation, were securing French 
weapons. Three years later La Harpe ascended the 
Arkansas River to a point one hundred forty leagues 
above its mouth, whence he believed it possible to go in 
pirogues to the Comanche and the Spanish settlements 
of New Mexico. For this purpose he recommended the 
establishment of a post among the Touacara.* ‘The 
Arkansas post, reéstablished at this same period, became 
the basis for extensive trade among the tribes of the 
Arkansas River. 

For the period between the expedition of La Harpe 
and the middle of the eighteenth century little is known 
of the movements and whereabouts of the Wichita 
tribes, but there seems to have been a general movement 
southward, though Jumano continued to live on the 
Arkansas. But trade with the Wichita tribes seems to 
have been conducted freely from the Nassonite and Ar- 
kansas posts, while an occasional French trader or de- 
serting soldier made his way through their country to 
the Comanche and to New Mexico. As we shall see, 

45 La Harpe, op. cit., 273, 277, 281, 289. 


46 — Jbid., 279; Heinrich, La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, 1717- 
1731, 120-122. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 47 


later on it was claimed that the French flag had been 
flying at the Tawakoni village since 1723 or earlier, and 
this may have been true, though it does not necessarily 
mean that the village had remained all that time in one 
place. The reference may have been to the first visits 
to the Touacara while they were on the Canadian. A 
Spaniard who in 1749 passed through the Jumano vil- 
lages on the Arkansas River on his way to New Mexico, 
with a party of Frenchmen, wrote that these Indians 
were all well supplied with firearms by the French trad- 
ers, possessed a French flag, and had just received a 
bountiful supply of presents in the name of the French 
king.” In 1753 Governor Kerlérec, of Louisiana, was 
able to write, with all apparent sincerity, of the Toua- 
cana, Hyscanis, and Quitseinge [Tawakoni, Yscanis, 
and Kichai], in common with the Hasinai and the 
Caddo tribes, that “they all agree unanimously in recog- 
nizing the French Governor of La Louisianne as their 
father, and they never deny his wishes in the least.” “ 
An indication of the truth of this assertion is found 
in the fact that in 1759 the Indians of the Taovayas vil- 
lage on the Red River were found well supplied with 
French guns and flying a French flag. 

An important feature of the French trade with these 
tribes, at least when they were not at war with the Co- 
manche, was that in horses, mules, and Indian slaves. 


47 Reference is made to the testimony given at Santa Fé, on March 1, 1750, 
by Felipe de Sandoval, who had shortly before arrived there with six French- 
men. He was a native of Santa Maria who had been captured by the English 
and taken to Jamaica, whence he had fled in a French vessel bound for Mobile. 
Going thence to New Orleans he set out for New Mexico by way of the Arkan- 
sas post, where he was joined by the Frenchmen [Autos fhos sre franceses que 
llegaron al Pueblo de taos con la Naz” Cumanche q benian a hazer sus acon- 
stumbrados resgattes|. Ms. in the Archivo General, Mexico. Copy in B. Mss. 

48 “Projet de Paix et D’Alliance avec les Cannecis,” in Journal de la 
Société des Americanistes de Paris, nouvelle série, tome iii, 72. 


48 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


The Wichita supplied the Comanche with weapons and 
agricultural products. In exchange they secured horses 
and mules stolen from the Spanish settlements, and 
Indian captives, among whom Apache predominated 
For these articles they found a ready market in Louis- 
iana, where stock of Spanish brand and Apache slaves 
were common forms of property. If the facts were all 
known the history of the eighteenth century slave mar- 
ket at the Taovayas village on the Red River near mod- 
ern Ringgold would make a most interesting story. 
During all this time, so far as the records thus far 
available show, these Wichita tribes had seen little of 
the Spaniards of Texas, and, on account of the Co- 
manche barrier between them, perhaps as little of the 
Spaniards of New Mexico. Sometime before 1750 a 
party of Spanish soldiers from New Mexico, in pursuit 
of Comanche and led by Lieutenant-general Bernardo 
de Bustamante y Tagle, had gone down the Arkansas 
River to the neighborhood of the Jumano villages, learn- 
ing of the beauties and bounties of the country “which 
Divine Providence created for the support of the sav- 
ages and the greed of Frenchmen.” But the governor 
of New Mexico, writing in the year named, could cite 
no other instance of Spanish advance down the Arkan- 
sas, and he frankly admitted that the Jumano were under 
the control of the French, while he depended for in- 
formation regarding them on reports brought up the 
Arkansas from Louisiana.” But from indifferent strang- 
ers, which they appear to have been hitherto, these Wich- 
ita tribes now became converted into active foes through 
their hostility to the Apache. In 1757 the Spaniards 


£9 Governor ‘Tomas Vélez Cachupin to the viceroy, March 8, 1750, in Autos 
thos. sre. averiguar que rumbo han ttraido ttres franzeses, etc. Bustamante y 
Tagle was lieutenant in New Mexico under Governor Joachin de Codallos, 
whose term extended from 1743 to 1749 [ibid.]. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 49 


founded for the Lipan Apache the mission and presidio 
of San Saba, on the upper San Saba River, one pro- 
fessed motive for the step being the desire to utilize the 
Lipan as a barrier to keep the French from penetrating, 
by way of the Wichita, to New Mexico and Nueva Vis- 
caya. A more immediate motive, however, was the 
hope that the new establishment would be a means of 
protecting the San Antonio settlements against Apache 
depredations. Of the Comanche, Wichita, Caddo, and 
Hasinai tribes, the Apache had long been the most 
hated enemy, and now the Spaniard, who at the San 
Saba mission appeared in the guise of the Apache’s 
friend, was very naturally counted among the foes of 
these northern tribes. In 1758, therefore, a large force 
of Comanche, Wichita, Hasinai, and perhaps Caddo, 
attacked and destroyed the mission, killing, among sev- 
eral Spaniards, two of the Franciscan friars.” ‘To re- 
taliate, Don Diego Ortiz Parrilla, a soldier of some re- 
nown and at the time captain at San Saba, was sent out 
in 1759 with five hundred troops and as many Indian 
allies. Leaving San Antonio in August, he marched 
north to the Taovayas settlement, then on the Red River 
near modern Ringgold, where he found the enemy 
fortified within a ditch and stockade, flying a French 
flag, and, some said, with Frenchmen in their midst. 
From this stronghold the Indians sallied forth and re- 
pulsed Parrilla, who lost both baggage and cannon. 
The Spaniards never ceased to attribute this crushing 
defeat and the destruction of the San Saba mission to 
the machinations of the French, and from what we know 
of occurrences elsewhere on the frontier this view seems 


50 See the account by Father Miguel de Molina, an eyewitness, in Memorias 
de Nueva Espana, vol. xxviii, 152-162; also a copy in B. Mss. from the archives 
of Querétaro. For a statement of the cause of the attack, from the standpoint 
of the Indians, see Document 69. 


50 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


warranted. The cannon left by Parrilla were not re- 
covered until De Méziéres went among the Wichita 
nearly twenty years later. 

To guard against a repetition of the attack at San 
Saba by winning the friendship of the Wichita, resort 
was made, as usual, to the services of the unarmed friars. 
Accordingly, in 1760, the year after the famous battle, 
Fray Calahorra y Saenz, the veteran missionary at Na- 
cogdoches, was sent to the Taovayas “fort,” where he 
effected a nominal peace. He next went among the 
Yscanis and T’awakoni, farther south, and tried to se- 
cure permission to found for them a mission or missions. 
Similar efforts seem to have been made by the lay broth- 
er Fray Francisco Sedano, who undertook in this period 
numerous visits to the northern tribes. ‘The good words 
of the friars were no doubt accompanied by more telling 
arguments in the form of presents from the king. One 
of the fruits of Father Calahorra’s efforts was the liber- 
ation in 1765 by the Taovayas of a subsequently noted 
Spanish prisoner, named Trevifio, who was attended by 
an embassy of Wichita to Adaes, and whose release was 
celebrated by demonstrations of mutual friendship.” 
But in spite of all this “good talk” the Tawakoni and 
Yscanis —under French influence — rejected the proffer- 
ed missions, while the Spaniards continued to regard 
the Wichita with apprehension, not only as tribes hostile 
themselves, but also as partisans of the French, until 
matters were mended by the efforts of De Mézieres in 
1770 and 1772, and of the French traders in the Spanish 
service, such as Layssard, fils aine, whom De Méziéres 
reéstablished among them. 


51 Father Lopez to Colonel Parrilla, in Expediente sobre establecimiento de 
Misiones en la inmediacion del Precidio de S” Savas. Ms. in the Archivo 
General, Mexico; Testimonio de diligencias, in the Béxar Archives [Provincias 
Internas, 1754-1776]. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 51 


During this period as well as later the Wichita en- 
joyed an additional branch of profitable trade. This 
consisted in buying Spanish captives from the Co- 
manche, or taking them themselves, and holding them 
for ransom by the settlers at San Antonio, who rescued 
them by paying the thrifty barbarians in horses, mules, 
or merchandise.” 

It is interesting to note in this connection that even 
after the cession of Louisiana, though presumably before 
either of them had heard of it, Martos y Navarrete, the 
governor of Texas, and Macarty, the commandant at 
Natchitoches, entered into a very lively dispute about 
sovereignty over the Tawakoni, one of the principal 
Wichita tribes. Governor Martos, it seems, had re- 
quested Macarty to remove the French flag that had 
been found by the Spaniards flying at the Tawa- 
koni village. Macarty replied that it had been fly- 
ing there more than forty years, and in turn ordered 
Martos to suspend at once all operations among the Ta- 
wakoni (evidently referring to the Spanish mission pro- 
jects then on foot) or among any other tribes living north 
of a line drawn from Los Adaes to San Saba, since all 
such were within French jurisdiction.» Regardless of 
theoretical boundaries, this claim corresponded closely 
with the facts, for the French traders had long con- 
trolled all the tribes of northern Texas. ‘This feature 
of the actual situation is recognized in a way by the 
Spanish map made in 1771 by the engineer La Fora, 
which represented the “Provincia de Tejas” as bounded 
on the north by a line running nearly westward from 


52 Bonilla, “Breve Compendio” (translation by West in the Texas Historical 
Association, Quarterly, vol. viii), 55-56; Cabello, “Informe,” 1780, pp. 53-54. 
B. Mss. 

53 Macarty, letters to the governor of Texas, September 23 and November 
1%, 1763. B. Mss. 


52 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





Los Adaes. At that time the Spanish geographer had 
no motive to exaggerate the boundaries of Texas, for 
Louisiana then belonged to Spain. 

FOR THE CONTROL OF THE BIDAI-ARKOKISA GROUP. 
Next to the competition for the control of the Hasina, 
that for the domination of the Bidai-Arkokisa group 
was the most direct, though it was relatively late in 
developing. Notwithstanding the fact that they began 
to found establishments in eastern Texas as early as 1690, 
the Spanish authorities in Mexico, and even those in 
Texas, seem to have been almost entirely ignorant of the 
country between the lower Colorado and the lower Sa- 
bine until 1745, when they were forced into it, as indeed 
they had often been into other sections, by rumors of 
French traders among the tribes of the coast region. It 
is recorded, it is true, that in 1727 Engineer Alvarez 
Barreyro had crossed the district under orders from 
General Rivera, who in that year inspected the whole 
northern frontier of New Spain; * but whatever he may 
have done, it led to no steps toward occupation of the 
Arkokisa coast, and had no permanent geographical or 
political results. 

The French, on the other hand, had made some ac- 
quaintance with the natives of the section, particularly 
the Bidai, almost as soon as New Orleans was founded, 
through the wanderings of Belle-Isle in 1719-1721, while 
the expedition of La Harpe, sent in 1721 to occupy the 
Bay of St. Bernard, seems to have attempted its landing 
either at Galveston Bay or Matagorda Bay.” How 
early the French traders of New Orleans, whose activi- 
ties are described on a former page, began to pass the 


54 Rivera, Diario, 1727 (Guatemala, 1736), Leg. 2466. 

55 Simars de Belle-Isle, “Relation,” in Margry, vol. vi, 320-347; documents 
concerning La Harpe’s attempt to take possession of the Bay of St. Bernard, 
ibid., 347-354. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 53 


lower Sabine is not certainly known, but there is positive 
evidence to show that it was prior to 1730.” 

For some time between this date and 1745 the Span- 
iards had heard rumors of these Frenchmen in the direc- 
tion of the lower Trinity, and now, when a new rumor 
reached his ears, the viceroy sent Orobio Bazterra, cap- 
tain at Bahia del Espiritu Santo, to make an investiga- 
tion, the report of which gives us our first definite in- 
formation of the Bidai and Arkokisa tribes. The pre- 
vailing ignorance on the part of the Spaniards concern- 
ing the lower Trinity is reflected by the fact that Orobio 
knew of no direct road thither, but found it necessary 
to go first to Nacogdoches, thence southwest by the Bidai 
trail, thus covering a distance more than twice the short- 
est route from La Bahia. Among the Arkokisa, of the 
San Jacinto River country, he heard the disturbing news 
that the French were annually entering the mouths of 
the Neches, Trinity, and Brazos Rivers to trade with 
the natives, and that at their last visit they had selected 
a site for a trading post near the mouth of the Aranzazu 
River (clearly the San Jacinto), whither through 
Arkokisa messengers they had invited the neighboring 
tribes of the Bidai, Deadoses, and the Texas to trade.” 

No Frenchmen were actually found there by Orobio, 
though he made another visit to the locality a few 
months later, and, as it seems, anxiety subsided. Nev- 
ertheless, steps were taken by the Spanish government 
to cultivate the friendship of the Bidai and Arkokisa 


56 Dilixensias sobre Lanpen, February 19, 1753, Ms. in the Béxar Archives. 
Robertson [Louisiana under the Rule of Spain, France, and the United States, 
vol. i, 258, note 124] commits an error by suggesting that the Orcoquiza re- 
ferred to by Navarro were the Arkansas. 

57 Diligencias Practicadas por Dn. Joaquin de Orobio, . . Sobre estab- 
lectmiento de Franceses, 1745-1746. Ms. in the Béxar Archives, Bahia, 1743- 
1778. 


54 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES | [Vol. 


tribes by sending them presents and traders with sup- 
plies from Adaes. ‘This, indeed, was one of Governor 
Barrios’s most lucrative fields of operation in a consid- 
erable unauthorized trade; but the charge that he was 
in collusion with the French lacks satisfactory proof.” 

A second remedial measure attempted was the re- 
moval of the Bidai, Arkokisa, and Deadoses to the new 
missions on the San Xavier River. Of the three mis- 
sions founded there between 1745 and 1749, one, that of 
San Yldefonso, was designed especially to serve these 
tribes, who represented a distinct linguistic group. But 
the success of the mission was only temporary, and with- 
in a few years most if not all of the Indians returned to 
their haunts on the lower Trinity. 

Finally matters were crystallized in October, 1754, 
when a party of French traders were arrested at Bar- 
rios’s order at the mouth of the Trinity. The leader, 
one Blancpain, was clearly a government agent, and not 
alone a private trader, as he bore, in addition to a 
license from the governor of Louisiana to barter for 
horses among the Attacapa, instructions to keep a diary, 
to make friends with any strange tribes that he might © 
encounter, and to escort their chiefs to see the governor 
at New Orleans.” Writing in 1780 of this occurrence, 
Martin Navarro, of Louisiana, said: 


In the time of the French governors, and particularly during 
the rule of Sefor Don Kerléreck, an attempt was made under 
superior orders to establish in Orcoquisa, toward La Bahia del 
Espiritu Santo, a stronghouse, or warehouse, supplied with the 
goods of the king, of those which he had in the warehouse of this 
place, for the purpose of conducting trade with those Indians 
58 For evidence of Spanish trade among the Bidai and Arkokisa after 1751 

see Testimonio practicado sobre si D" Jacinto de Barrios tuvo Comercio con 
municiones de Guerra, 1761, Béxar Archives (Adaes, 1756-1766); Dilixensias 


sobre Lanpen, cited in footnote 56. 
59 See document cited in footnote 56. 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 55 


and in turn with Nuevo Santander [which in Kerlérec’s time 
extended to the San Antonio River], under the direction of a 
trader named Blancpain, whose edifice still exists, half in ruins.®° 
Soon after their arrest Governor Barrios sent Blanc- 
pain and his party to Mexico as prisoners, and the fol- 
lowing summer he garrisoned El Orcoquisac, as the 
Spaniards called the site of Blancpain’s capture. At 
the governor’s suggestion, but after much tedious dis- 
cussion, the presidio of San Agustin de Ahumada was 
erected near the spot in the summer of 1756. This step 
on the part of the Spaniards was momentarily resisted 
by the governor of Louisiana, who claimed that the gar- 
rison was on French territory and represented that only 
by his efforts had the Attacapa been restrained from 
assaulting and destroying the Spanish garrison. He 
suggested, however, with a goodly measure of presump- 
tion, that the question of jurisdiction be settled by a joint 
commission, and sent to Adaes on this errand Athanase 
de Méziéres, then captain at Natchitoches, but without 
avail.“ Later the disturbing rumor reached San Agus- 
tin that St. Denis, of Natchitoches, son of the more 
famous St. Denis, had bribed the Arkokisa Indians to 
destroy the Spanish settlement. A few months after the 
establishment of the presidio, the mission of Nuestra 
Sefiora de la Luz del Orcoquisac was planted by its side, 
though a simultaneous attempt to establish in the locality 
a colony of fifty Spanish families miserably failed.” 


60 Martin Navarro, Reflexiones politicas sobre el estado actual de la Pro- 
vincia de Luisiana, Sept. 24, 1780. MSs. in the Bancroft Collection. This docu- 
ment is printed by Robertson, of. cit., 237-261, under the date ca. 1785. The 
translation given there differs slightly from mine. 

61 Kerlérec to the governor of Texas, New Orleans, Noy. 22, 1756. Archivo 
General, Historia, vol. 91, 72. B. Mss. 

62 The history of the Spaniards on the lower Trinity is as yet buried in the 
manuscripts in the archives of Texas and Mexico. Among the more important 
documents for the subject are those cited in footnotes 43 and 44; Dilijens 
Practicadas en el asumpto del reconocimt® del desemboque del Rio de la Trin- 


56 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES © [ Vol. 


The presidio and mission remained in feeble operation 
till 1771 and in nominal existence till the general order 
for withdrawal of the eastern establishments was issued 
in 1772, by which time the transfer of Louisiana had 
removed the primary cause of their erection. But even 
while in existence they had not prevented the French 
traders from operating, and even settling in small num- 
bers, between the Neches and Trinity.” 

FOR THE CONTROL OF THE TONKAWAN TRIBES. The 
relations of the French with the Tonkawan tribes before 
the middle of the eighteenth century are obscure, but 
they seem to have been similar to those of the Wichita 
for the same period, though perhaps less close. We 
know, at any rate, that either directly or indirectiy 
through other tribes the Tonkawa at an early date se- 
cured a goodly supply of French arms and ammunition. 
But neither the French nor the Spaniards made any 
noteworthy attempt to occupy their territory till near 
the end of this period. 

On the part of the Spaniards a Franciscan mission had 
been founded in 1722 for the Yerbipiame, a band of 


idad y Descubrir si avian poblado en el como se avia dicho los Franceses, 1755, 
Ms., Lamar Papers, no. 25; Testimonio del Dictamen dado por el Senor Don 
Domingo de Valcarcel del Consejo de su Magd . . . en los autos fechos 4 
consulta de Don Jacinto de Barrios y Jauregui, Oct. 11, 1755, Ms. in the 
Archivo General, Provincias Internas, vol. 249; expediente concerning the re- 
moval of the presidio of San Agustin de Ahumada, 1759-1760, Ms. in the 
Béxar Archives; royal cédulas of the period, and correspondence of the viceroy 
with the king and with the governors with Texas, in the archives of Mexico 
and in the Béxar Archives. A short sketch based on these and related materials, 
is the present writer’s “Spanish Activities on the Lower Trinity, 1746-1771,” in 
the Southwestern Historical Quarterly, vol. xvi, 339-377. 

63 For the history of this subject see the expediente cited in footnote 56, 
especially the letter of Didier to the governor of Texas, July 19, 1756; Barrios 
to the viceroy, July 22, 1756; dictamen fiscal, Sept. 2, 1756; the viceroy to 
Barrios, Sept. 12, 1756; royal cédula to the viceroy, June 10, 1757. Mss. in the 
Archivo General, Mexico. For the rumor of St. Denis’s bribing the Indians to 
destroy San Agustin, see a letter of Kerlérec to the governor of Texas, Béxar 
Archives, Adaes, 1756-1766. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 57 


Tonkawan affiliation, but it neither prospered nor en- 
dured. Between 1745 and 1756, however, a notable 
and temporarily successful attempt was made to chris- 
tianize the Tonkawan tribes, together with the Bidai, 
Arkokisa, Deadoses, Cocos, and others. One of the 
principal arguments used to secure government support 
for this enterprise was danger of French encroachments. 
The undertaking resulted in the founding of three mis- 
sions and a presidio on the San Xavier [San Gabriel] 
River, near its junction with the Arroyo de las Animas 
[ Brushy Creek] on the borders of the Lipan country.” 
But as a result of the various adverse circumstances, 
within a decade the missions and the protecting fort were 
abandoned. Efforts were then made to reéstablish the 
missions, or one of them, at least, first on the San Marcos, 
and then on the Guadalupe, but without success, and 
the energies of the missionaries and soldiers concerned 
were diverted to the Apache mission of San Saba 
(1757). After the attack on that establishment in 1758, 
in which the Tonkawa took part as foes of the Apache, 
they were regularly regarded as enemies of the Span- 
iards, until De Méziéres made his tours to their settle- 
ments in the decade between 1770 and 1780.” 

FOR THE CONTROL OF THE COMANCHE. Until the 
middle of the eighteenth century the Comanche, being 
generally hostile to both, stood as a barrier between the 
Spaniards of New Mexico and the French of Louisiana. 


64 Bolton, “Spanish Mission Records at San Antonio,’ in the Texas State 
Historical Association, Quarterly, vol. x, 3-5; and Bolton, “San Francisco 
Xavier de Naxera,” in Handbook of American Indians, vol. ii, 438. 

65 Bolton, “San Francisco Xavier de Horcasitas,’ “San Ildefonso,” and 
“Nuestra Sefora de la Candelaria,” in Handbook of American Indians, vol. ii; 
Arricivita, Cronica, 321-357. 

66 The history of the San Saba establishments has been investigated with 
great detail from the manuscript sources in my collection by Mr. William E. 
Dunn. 


58 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


After 1700 the Comanche often made raids into New 
Mexico, while campaigns were frequently made against 
them in turn by the troops of that province. Later on 
the tribe was accustomed to go in large numbers to the 
annual fairs at Taos to trade in skins, buffalo meat, and 
captives, but they were, nevertheless, frequently hostile. 

While the French had early in the eighteenth century 
established a firm hold on the Pawnee and Jumano 
tribes, neighbors of the Comanche, until near the middle 
of the century their hold on the Comanche does not 
seem to have been very strong, the principal reason being 
the hostility of the Comanche toward the other tribes 
named. Nevertheless, there was some contact between 
the Comanche and the French, as various known inci- 
dents prove. In 1724 a party of Frenchmen under 
Bourgemont held a friendly parley with the Padoucah 
[ Comanche ] on their own ground, and three years later 
five Frenchmen went up the Arkansas in search of the 
tribe. In 1739-1740 the Mallet brothers made their 
way through the Comanche country to Santa Fe, and 
were allowed to return, part going by way of the Paw- 
nee, and part down the Arkansas to New Orleans.” 

About 1746 friendly relations of the French with the 
Comanche were greatly facilitated through the peace 
which the latter tribe made with the Jumano of the 
Arkansas country and with the Pawnee of the Platte. 
Now French traders, hunters, and deserters, guided by 
Jumano and Pawnee, began to make their way to the 
Comanche in considerable numbers, some of them even 
going to Santa Fé. Thus in 1748 a party of thirty- 


67 For details of French activities among the Indians of the plains northeast 
of New Mexico in the early eighteenth century see Margry, Découvertes et 
Etablissements, vol. vi. A useful general treatment of this subject is found in 
Daenell, Die Spanier in Nordamerika, chap. viii, passim. 

68 Margry, vol. vi, 436 ff; 455 ff. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 59 


three Frenchmen are reported to have been at El Quar- 
telejo trading with the Comanche.” Again in 1749 
three Frenchmen of a party of twelve deserters and trad- 
ers who had passed through the Jumano country to the 
Comanche reached Santa Fé. The other nine had re- 
mained among the Comanche. Shortly after, in the 
year 1750, there arrived at Santa Fé a Spaniard named 
Felipe Sandoval, who had made his way from Louis- 
iana with six companions up the Arkansas to the Co- 
manche.. While he was among this tribe he saw a 
French priest and several French traders bartering 
weapons and other merchandise for skins, horses, and 
slaves." The Frenchmen who arrived at New Mexico 
in 1749 were held there for a time and later ordered sent 
to the interior, lest, returning, they should spread in 
Louisiana their knowledge of New Mexico and the In- 
dian country, thus repeating the evil consequences 
which had come from the too liberal treatment of the 
Mallet party.” ‘Two years later there arrived at Santa 
Fé two Frenchmen with bolder intent. They were 
members of a party of ten who had set out from Louis- 
lana, with license from the authorities, to attempt to 
open trade with New Mexico, carrying sufficient mer- 
chandise to pay the expenses of the journey. Eight of 
the party had remained behind among the Indians. 
One of the two who reached Santa Fé, Jean Chapuis by 
name, proposed conducting a trade up the Pawnee Riv- 
er, thence to Santa Fé by horses bought among the 
Pawnee and the Comanche. Since the Comanche could 
not be trusted, he proposed that the annual caravan 
should be protected by an escort of fifty Spanish sol- 


69 Daenell, of. cit., 152. 

70 Autos fhos sre averiguar que rumbo han ttraido ttres franceses. Ms. in 
the Archivo General, Mexico. Copy in B. Mss. 

71 — Ibid. 


60 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


diers. These presumptuous intruders were rewarded for 
their trouble by imprisonment in the City of Mexico.” 
The Comanche treaty with the Pawnee and the Ju- 
mano about 1746 and the consequent advance of the 
French westward no doubt influenced the decision of the 
New Mexico authorities in 1748 regarding the admission 
of the Comanche to the Taos fairs. In a council of that 
year the majority admitted the treacherous character of 
the tribe, but decided to permit the trade to continue. 
The reasons advanced were the value of the articles 
which the tribe supplied and the opportunity which it 
afforded the Comanche and the captives which they sold 
to come under Christian influence.”* One cannot help 
thinking that the oncoming French furnished an addi- 
tional reason. But the friendship of the Comanche was 
fickle at best, and their hostility, together with that of 
the Apache in the southwest, explains in a large measure 
why it was not until 1787 that direct communication 
was established between Santa Fé and San Antonio. 
Soon after the middle of the eighteenth century the 
Comanche approached the Texas frontier, and, in 1758, 
as has been seen, took part with the Wichita in the attack 
on San Saba. Thereafter they stood, in general, in much 
the same relation to the Spaniards of Texas as that occu- 
pied by the Wichita,"* with whom they were intermit- 
tently allied. After their southward advance to the 
upper Brazos and Colorado Rivers, French traders 
among the T'aovayas communicated with them, supplied 


72 Testimonio de los autos fhos a consulta del Gov" del nuebo Mex¢° sobre 
haver llegado dos franzeses, etc. Ms. in the Archivo General, Mexico. Copy 
in B. Mss. 

73 Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 171, 239, 248-250, 256-257. 

74 See in general, Cabello, Informe; Cabello, Respuestas . . . sobre 
barias circunstancias de los Yndios Cumanches Orientales, April 30, 1786. 
Béxar Archives, Province of Texas, 1786; and documents in Margry, vol. vi, 
292-293, 482-492. 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 61 


them with goods,” and secured from them Apache slaves 
and Spanish mules and horses. But the tribe was of in- 
terest in Texas chiefly because of their hostility to the 
Apache, of their alliance, by no means constant, with the 
Taovayas, and of their raids, after the attack on San 
Saba, upon the Texas settlements. These raids were fre- 
quently, if not usually, incidents in their campaigns 
against the Apache, just as had been the case with earlier 
ones in New Mexico.” In other words, since 1700 they 
had pursued their foe from the upper Arkansas to the 
Frio and the Medina. ‘The treaties made in 1771 in- 
cluded the Comanche, by proxy of the Taovayas.” In 
1774 Gaignard met the chiefs at the Taovayas village 
and effected a treaty with the Naytane [Comanche] di- 
rectly, but the tribe continued to be very uncertain 
friends if not avowed enemies. 


Spanish and French Relations with the Interior Texas 


Tribes 


Although the interior and western Texas tribes did 
not, to such an extent or so directly as the frontier groups 
just discussed, constitute centers of competition between 
the Spanish and the French, yet, because of their inter- 
relations with the frontier groups, they were by no 
means unimportant even in international politics. At 
one time or another most of the tribes between the Trin- 
ity and the Rio Grande became objects of attention to 
the Franciscan missionaries of New Spain, who, for 


75 J, Gaignard, Journal tenus exat, 1773-1777. MS. in the Bancroft Collec- 
tion, Louisiana. See Document 136. 

76 Im 1762 it was stated that the Comanche and their northern allies had 
recently destroyed an Apache village on the Rio Frio and another on the Gua- 
dalupe north of San Antonio, and had killed forty Apache who were hunting on 
the Colorado [Statement of Governor Martos, Sept. 17, 1762. B. A., Bahia, 
1743-1778. B. Mss.]. 

77 Articles of peace with the Taovayas, Document 83. 


62 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


political reasons at least, were backed by the govern- 
ment. After the relief of the strain on the eastern fron- 
tier resulting from the cession of Louisiana to Spain and 
from the peace effected thereafter with the northern 
tribes, the Apache became of first importance in the 
Indian policy of northeastern New Spain. ‘To these 
should be added the Xaraname, the most troublesome of 
the apostatizing mission Indians of the latter half of 
the eighteenth century. Such is the position occupied 
by these interior and western Texas groups in the period 
between 1770 and 1780, in which they figure conspicu- 
ously. For these reasons, a brief sketch of the relations 
of the Spanish and the French with them before the 
Louisiana cession will be appropriate. 

WITH THE COAHUILTECAN TRIBES. Except momen- 
tarily, when in 1688 Juan Jarri, one of the survivors of 
the La Salle expedition, rose to a lordly position among 
the Coahuiltecan tribes north of the Rio Grande, if the 
Spanish accounts are true,” this group of natives were 
never a source of immediate apprehension to the Span- 
iards, so far as French influence was concerned. On 
the other hand, it was these docile and weak bands that 
before 1760 furnished most of the neophytes for the 
Spanish missions in Coahuila on the Rio Grande and for 
those atSan Antonio. Indeed, it was usually found that 
the stronger tribes, unless they had already developed so 
far as to have adopted a settled agricultural life, could 
not be successfully “reduced” to mission pueblos without 
more military force than was ordinarily available in 
Texas. After the date named the depleted Coahuiltecan 


78 The original autos of the finding of “Juan Jarri” among the Indians are 
im the state archives of Coahuila at Saltillo. They are printed in Portillo, 
Apuntes para la Historia Antigua de Coahuila y Texas (Saltillo, 1888). My 
own copy from the originals was made with more care than that printed by 
Portillo. 


one ] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 63 


tribes, now crowded to the coast by the Lipan, continued 
to furnish a small supply of material for the languishing 
missions, but, being peaceful and having practically no 
fighting strength, they were of little political interest. 

WITH THE APACHE. Because of the geographical 
position which they occupied in the early eighteenth 
century and of their relations with the Comanche tribe, 
the Apache were described with the frontier groups; but 
because of their southward migration and of the small 
danger of French influence among them, they will be 
treated, from the standpoint of policy, as an interior 
tribe of New Spain. 

From the first occupation of New Mexico, the Span- 
iards of that province suffered almost continuous depre- 
dations at the hands of the Apache, and the same is true 
of central Texas. Of the various divisions of the group, 
the best known in Texas was the Lipan. Almost from 
the beginning of San Antonio, in 1718, this tribe became 
a terror to the citizens through their raids on the ranches 
and their ruthless murder of helpless individuals caught 
unawares. In 1723 one of the bloodiest battles between 
Spaniards and Texas Indians on record was fought with 
the Apache far to the north of San Antonio, apparently 
somewhere on the upper Little River. From this time 
forward they were alternately at war and (nominal) 
peace. According to Governor Kerlérec, of Louisiana, 
until 1743 the Spaniards were on the aggressive, but 
suffering a severe defeat in that year, they were there- 
after on the defensive.” 

During this period the French had very little contact 
with the Apache and even considered the tribe as en- 


79 Cabello, Ynforme . . . sobre pazes de los Apaches Lipdnes en la 
Colonia del Nuevo Santander, 1784. Copy in B. Mss.; Kerlérec, “Projet de 
Paix,” Joc. cit.; Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas.” 


64 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


emies. This feeling the Apache could well repay in 
kind, for many of their people were sold to the French 
as slaves. But the Spanish government feared that such 
contact might be established, and that this fear was not 
groundless is evident from a memorial made by Govern- 
or Kerlérec to his home government in 1753. In that 
document he suggested sending an expedition across 
northern Texas into the Apache country to establish 
peace with them and between them and the Wichita, 
Caddo, Tonkawa, and Hasinai, prophesying that from 
such a step the French could open up a brilliant com- 
merce, with establishments at the very door of Coahuila, 
and get control of the then closed road to Santa Fé, 
“certain that at the first sign that we should make, the 
Cannecys [Apache] would pounce upon the Spanish, 
with whom he would be on a par, by means of the fire- 
arms and munitions which he would secure from us.” *° 

At an early date the Spanish Franciscans of San An- 
tonio had begun to propose missions for the Lipan, not 
only for the purpose of converting them, but as a means 
of checking their hostilities and preventing the French 
from tampering with them. In 1745 there was talk of 
establishing such a mission on the San Antonio. In1749 
the Guadalupe was being considered for the location. 
Shortly after this a site on the Pedernales was surveyed 
but rejected. Finally, in 1757, the mission of San Saba, 
with the Presidio of San Luis de las Amarillas to protect 
it, was founded on the San Saba River, near modern 
Menardville, then in the heart of the Lipan country. 
But, as has been seen, in the following year it was at- 
tacked by the Comanche and the Nations of the North, 
thought to be under French influence, while the subse- 
quent attempt of the Spaniards to punish the offense was 





80 Kerlérec, op. cit., 74. 


one HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 65 


an ignominious failure. The mission of San Saba being 
abandoned, in its stead the two missions of San Lorenzo 
and Nuestra Sefora de la Candelaria were erected in 
1762 in the Cafion del Sefor San Joseph, on the upper 
Nueces, a retreat protected from the Comanche by the 
hills of the Chanas (now misnamed the Llano). These 
missions, in turn, were practically extinguished in 1767 
by a similar attack of the same enemies.’ Thus the 
Lipan were pushed southward till they reached and 
even crossed the Rio Grande, occupying the territory 
formerly possessed by the Coahuiltecan tribes and that 
further westward about the lower Pecos. At the same 
time they extended their raids farther and farther south- 
east, until in De Mézieres’s day we find them frequent- 
ing the lower Trinity. 

The almost universal hatred for the Apache was the 
basis of a considerable trade, as has been seen, between 
their native enemies and the Europeans, in Apache cap- 
tives, not a few of whom were held by their foes for 
ransom or sold as slaves in the Spanish settlements, and 
more especially in New Orleans.” This widespread 
hostility of the Indians toward the Lipan, moreover, 
was the most efficient safeguard of the Spanish settle- 
ments against complete destruction by them; and the 
prospect which arose after 1770 that the Lipan would be 
able to effect an alliance with the Bidai and Arkokisa 
was justly a source of alarm at San Antonio, and no 
doubt it seemed to justify the treacherous means adopted 
by De Meéziéres to prevent it. This hatred, too, was 
the basis of a plan drawn in 1777 and 1778 by Croix 


81 Expediente sobre establecimiento de Misiones en la inmediacion del Pre- 
sidio de §" Savas. Ms. in the Archivo General, Mexico. Copy in B. Mss. 

82 Kerlérec, of. cit.; Sibley, report on the Louisiana and Texas tribes, in 
Annals of Congress, 9th congress, second session, 1080-1081. See also the report 
by Fray Miguel Santa Maria y Silva, Document 132. 


66 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


and De Méziéres for a general campaign of annihila- 
tion against the universally detested Apache. 


The Cession of Louisiana and the New Spanish Indian 
Policy 


The foregoing survey has presented a general view of 
French and Spanish relations with the principal tribal 
groups of Texas and western Louisiana down to the ces- 
sion of the latter province to Spain, a transfer contracted 
for in 1762 but not completely carried into effect till 
1769. This event put a new face upon several important 
matters. 

In the first place, Spain’s neighbor on the east was 
now England instead of France. That the new neigh- 
bor was more to be feared than the old was correctly 
understood by Spain from the outset. 

In the second place, although jealousies continued to 
exist between the Spanish subjects of Texas and the 
French of Louisiana, and although Louisiana was at- 
tached to the captaincy-general of Havana while Texas 
was a province of New Spain, yet Texas now became in 
effect an interior province, whereas it had formerly con- 
stituted a most important frontier. This change, to- 
gether with the fact that the Franciscan missions which 
the frontier presidios had in part been designed to pro- 
tect had failed, made it possible now to withdraw the 
feeble defenses which for half a century had stood on 
the Louisiana-Texas border. Such a step was recom- 
mended by the Marqués de Rubi in 1767 and was taken 
by the government in 1772-1773, when the missions, 
presidios, and small surrounding settlements were re- 
moved to San Antonio at the order of the government.” 
Military defense was now diverted from eastern ‘Texas 





83 Bolton, “Spanish Abandonment and Reoccupation of East Texas,” in 
Texas State Historical Association, Quarterly, vol. ix, 68-82. 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 67 





mainly to San Antonio, on the one hand, and to the line 
of the Mississippi River on the other. As soon as the 
province of Louisiana was taken over by Spain this pro- 
cess of change was begun by the strengthening of St. 
Louis. As time went on other defenses were established 
on the same line, and before the close of the American 
Revolution garrisons were recommended for eastern 
Iowa.™ 

The local authorities in Texas, fearing the inroads of 
the Red River tribes, and urging the danger of English 
influence among them, requested that some of the de- 
fenses to be removed from eastern Texas be transferred 
to the country of the Taovayas, on the upper Red River, 
toward which point the Panis-mahas, disturbed by the 
Louisiana cession, were migrating from the Missouri, 
and whither English firearms and other goods had al- 
ready come by 1772, either through the intervening 
tribes or in the hands of the English themselves. This 
petition for a northern garrison, though much discussed 
by the government, was not granted.” 

In the third place, and in many ways the most im- 
portant, Spain now had on her hands an enormous new 
[Indian problem, which underlay all the other phases of 
the matter. he vast horde of Louisiana tribes between 
the Gulf of Mexico and Canada must be brought to 
Spanish allegiance and kept good natured. On the south- 
western frontier of Louisiana, the region with which this 
study especially deals, the problem was particularly com- 
plex, for Spain had not only the burden of winning and 
restraining the Osage and other tribes who had been en- 
emies of the French and who might be counted on to 
continue their hostility toward the province of Louis- 


84 Houck, History of Missouri, vol. ii, passim; Francisco de Leyba to Gal- 
vez, Noy. 16, 1778, Ms.; Houck, Spanish Régime in Missouri, vol. i, 166, 332. 
85 See Document go. 


68 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


iana regardless of the change of ownership, but must 
also bring to Spanish allegiance the Nations of the 
North — the Comanche, the Wichita, the Tonkawa — 
who had been not merely partisans of the French, but 
active enemies of the Spaniards. Formerly these tribes 
could be looked upon and treated by Spain as foreign 
enemies; but now they were within the very heart of 
Spanish territory, and, like the Apache, must be ex- 
pelled, exterminated, or brought to Spanish allegiance. 
This part of the problem was made more difficult by the 
fact that the strength of the Nations of the North was 
now being increased by that of the Panis-mahas. 
Moreover, all these new tribes, from the mouth of the 
Sabine to Canada, must be kept hostile to the advancing 
English, and, so far as possible, utilized as a means of 
keeping English traders and adventurers from crossing 
the Mississippi or entering the mouths of the coast 
streams by way of the Gulf. Fear of English influence, 
even among the far southwestern tribes, had arisen with 
the first prospect that as a result of the French and In- 
dian War England would secure western Louisiana. 
Almost immediately after the fall of Quebec this danger 
was urged as a reason for strengthening the far western 
presidio of San Saba. On October 28, 1760, for ex- 
ample, the president of the Queréteran missions in 
Texas, who was then in Mexico, expressed to the viceroy 
the belief that Louisiana would fall into the hands of 
England, adding, “we know very well through docu- 
ments and reports received before my journey, not only 
that the French succeed in introducing themselves 
among and trading with our declared enemies, but also 
that the English with frequency succeed in doing these 
things.” “ A week later Parrilla, the former captain 


86 Letter to the viceroy, in Expediente sobre establecimiento de Misiones en 
la inmediacion del Presidio de S” Savas. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 69 


at San Saba, informed the viceroy that according to 
Apache prisoners who had escaped from the Taovayas, 
there were among the Nations of the North white per- 
sons, not Frenchmen-and presumably Englishmen, 
Parrilla concluded — who were teaching the Indians the 
use of weapons that answered to the description of “ex- 
plosive bombs,” whose purpose, it was of course im- 
agined, was to destroy the Spaniards.“ From now 
forward to the end of the Spanish régime fear that the 
Anglo-Americans would tamper with the southwestern 
tribes and invade Spanish territory was the almost con- 
stant refrain of the frontier officials. England did not 
get western Louisiana as a result of the French and 
Indian War; but she did reach the Mississippi. And if 
under the other supposition there was danger of English 
influence among the southwestern tribes, how much 
greater now was the danger that they would seduce the 
tribes ranged along the Mississippi and the easily ac- 
cessible Missouri! 

To meet the new and difficult situation, Spain was 
forced to adopt for Louisiana and the frontier of New 
Spain what was to her an essentially new Indian policy. 
In the northern provinces of New Spain reliance for 
Indian control had always been placed largely on the 
missions supported by presidial guards; and by nar- 
rowly restricting trade among the Indians in their own 
country an attempt had been made to force them to de- 
pend upon the missions for supplies. It is a striking 
fact, therefore, that just at the time when Spain was 
utilizing the mission as the principal means of occupying 
and holding the new province of Alta California and 
developing there what was, perhaps, the highest type of 
Indian mission in the history of New Spain, in Louis- 


87 Expediente sobre establecimiento de Misiones en la inmediacion del Pre- 
sidio de S" Savas, 39-40. 


70 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


iana the mission was given no part in the scheme of con- 
trol. The difference is to be found in the differing 
Indian situations. California was inhabited by docile, 
unwarlike tribes, like those of the San Antonio and the 
lower Rio Grande regions, and of the kind with which 
the mission was best calculated to succeed. Louisiana, 
on the other hand, was inhabited by powerful and war- 
like tribes. In eastern ‘Texas, Spanish missions had 
already been tried among them and had failed, while 
the French missions west of the Mississippi had never 
been of a kind to meet the more rigid Spanish ideal. 
The Louisiana Indians, moreover, from the upper Mis- 
souri to the Gulf, had long been accustomed to a system 
of control through fur traders and annual presents dis- 
tributed in the name of the king. Finally there was al- 
ready available in Louisiana a large body of traders, 
known to the tribes and dependent upon the fur trade 
fora living. To continue the French system was, there- 
fore, but to follow the line of least resistance. It was 
seen from the outset, indeed, that to do otherwise would 
be very difficult.** Consequently the French method of 
control through the fur trade and presents, with a good 
many modifications in the directions of greater equity 
for the white men and greater humanity toward the 
natives, was frankly adopted, and its administration left 
largely in the hands of French agents. Within a few 
years the system was extended to include the friendly 
tribes of eastern Texas. ‘The method violated many of 
the principles of Indian control which had been prac- 
ticed by Spain in North America through more than 
two centuries, but it was the obvious plan to follow, and 
that it was adopted shows the unwonted readiness of 
Charles the Third to attempt any kind of reform which 
88 Undated letter of Ulloa to O’Conor (1768). 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 71 


promised success, no matter how radical and regardless 
of tradition. 

The general aims of the Indian policy now adopted 
by Spain for Louisiana and the Texas frontier have al- 
ready been indicated in the statement of the problems 
which it was designed to meet. More closely analyzed, 
and including the subsidiary or incidental with the ma- 
jor, the aims were as follows: (1) to win and maintain 
the allegiance of the numerous tribes of Louisiana, from 
Canada to the Gulf coast, and including the hostile Na- 
tions of the North on the borders of Texas; (2) to keep 
these tribes hostile to all foreigners, and particularly 
beyond the influence of the English. ‘These were the 
great central aims of the policy; others of less vital im- 
portance or incidental to the main purposes were: (3) 
to coerce the hostile tribes into friendship by cutting off 
supplies from all sources except those authorized by 
the government; (4) to exclude from the Indian vil- 
lages all unlicensed persons, whether traders or vaga- 
bonds, Spanish or foreign, the worst nest of outlaws to 
be dealt with under this head being that infesting the 
Arkansas River; (5) to stop all trade with the Indians 
in horses, mules, and Indian slaves, forms of traffic 
which had caused such hardship when conducted by the 
French on the Spanish border; (6) to stop harmful in- 
tertribal hostilities, notably that between the Caddo and 
the Osage; this aim, however, did not preclude follow- 
ing the old policy of balance, by which one tribe was 
turned against another if the situation required it; (7) 
to prevent the escape of apostates from the missions to 
the unchristianized tribes; (8) to put an end to the tak- 
ing of Christian captives and holding them for ransom; 
(9g) to stop the atrocities so often perpetrated by the can- 
nibal Karankawa upon shipwrecked mariners along the 


72 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


Gulf coast; (10) to do what was possible under the new 
plan toward realizing the Spanish ideal, so lacking in 
the French policy, of elevating the natives to civilized 
life. 

The means adopted for achieving these many and 
varied ends were likewise many and various. As has 
been stated, the central means were the distribution of 
annual presents to the friendly tribes in the name of the 
king and the provision of the tribes with regularly li- 
censed traders, to whom they could sell their furs and 
surplus crops, and from whom they could get their 
necessary supplies. The traders were as much govern- 
ment agents as private business men, for they went out 
under definite government instructions, looking to the 
best interests of the service. “They must be men of good 
habits, and if possible, of substance. They were re- 
quired to make known by formal harangues the transfer 
of Louisiana to Spain, and the fact that Frenchmen and 
Spaniards were brothers; to proclaim to both friend and 
foe the clemency and the might of the new sovereign; 
to report all occurrences among the Indians of interest 
to the government, sending special couriers for the pur- 
pose if necessary; to expel all foreigners and all vaga- 
bonds, outlaws, or unlicensed subjects found among the 
tribes, calling upon the Indians to give forcible aid if 
the case required it; to treat the Indians fairly, selling 
staple goods at fixed and reasonable prices; to refrain 
from selling intoxicating liquors; to use their influ- 
ence to induce the Indians to live a settled life; and 
to see that no Indian died without baptism. As a means 
of coercing the hostile tribes, traders were under 
strictest orders not to supply them or unlicensed traders 
among them with any kind of merchandise. One of the 
numerous modifications of the old French system was 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 73 


that no individual was permitted to monopolize the 
trade of any tribe, but this provision in after years broke 
down. The goods distributed by these traders were 
commonly supplied by wealthier merchants, under gov- 
ernment contract, and were paid for out of the ensuing 
year’s profits. 

Supplementary means of control were the use of 
friendly nations as intermediaries with the hostile; the 
encouragement of embassies from the distant tribes to 
see the governors and post commanders of Texas and 
Louisiana (unless this became too expensive or danger- 
ous) ; and the sending of ambassadors, like De Méziéres, 
LeBlanc de Villeneufve, and Gaignard, to the distant 
tribes. The friendly tribes were encouraged to pillage 
the English traders; tribes living east of the Mississippi 
were induced to cross the stream and become Spanish 
subjects; and the Mississippi posts were increased in 
number and strength, as time went on, in a desperate at- 
tempt to keep out by force the English traders and ad- 
venturers. ‘To quiet the trouble between the Osage and 
the Cadodacho, an effort was made to have the Arkansas 
recognized as the boundary beyond which neither tribe 
should pass.*° 

As a mark of honor and to instil patriotism, friendly 
tribes were provided with Spanish flags [ pabellones |]; 
distinguished chiefs were appointed capitanes or gober- 


89 Undated letter of Ulloa to O’Conor (1768) ; O’Reilly to De Méziéres, Jan. 
22 and 23, 1770 (three letters); De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, Feb. 1, 
1779 (nos, 7-10) ; De Méziéres, Instructions to traders, Feb. 4, 1770; Unzaga y 
Amezaga to De Meéziéres, March 16, 1770 (several letters) ; agreement of De 
Mézieéres with chiefs of the Cadodacho and Yatasi, April 21, 1770; De Méziéres 
to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 15, 1770; reports by De Méziéres of his expe- 
ditions of 1772, 1778, 1779. The above paragraph is based on a study of 
the correspondence and reports of De Méziéres during his whole career as 
lieutenant-governor of Natchitoches, the above cited documents being only a 
few illustrative ones. 


74 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


nadores and dignified by decoration with great and 
small medals. Notable medal chiefs depending on 
Natchitoches during the early years of the Spanish oc- 
cupation were Tinhiotien, cacique of the Cadodacho, 
and the most influential Indian among the allies; Cocay, 
head chief of the Yatasi; and Cyxnion, chief of the Ta- 
wakoni. Brazo Quebrado, Kichai chief, and Guakan, 
Yatasi chief, perhaps also received medals. Among the 
medal chiefs depending on the governor of Texas during 
the same period were Sauto, or Bigotes, chief of the 
Hainai tribe and head of the Hasinai Confederacy; and 
Gorgoritos, a Bidai, who was at the head of the Bidai- 
Arkokisa Confederacy. 

The principal distribution points and centers of con- 
trol for the western tribes were Natchitoches, the Ar- 
kansas post, and St. Louis. From Natchitoches goods 
and presents were distributed to the Yatasi, the Petit 
Cado, the Cadodacho, the ‘Tonkawa, the Wichita, the 
Hasinai, and Bidai; the Arkansas and other small tribes 
looked to the Arkansas post; while St. Louis was the 
agency for the Osages and all the tribes of the Missouri 
and the upper Mississippi. A document dated in 1777 
shows that at that time the following tribes were accus- 
tomed to go to St. Louis to receive their annual presents: 
Osages Pequefios, Misuris, Canzes, Nacion la Repub- 
lica, Hotos, Panis of the Platte, Majas, Grandes Osages, 
Hayuas, Sioux, Yates abuene, Renar, Sac, Puaen, Mas- 
couten, Quicapu, Pu, Otabuas, Sotu, Peorias, and Kas- 
kaskias.”° In later days, after the reoccupation of 
Nacogdoches by Spain, that place assumed much of the 
former importance of Natchitoches by becoming the 


90 Recopilacién de las Naciones de Yndios del Rio Misury q¢ acostumbran 
venir a recevir regalos in este puesto, Nov. 15, 1777. Bancroft Coll. Mss.; 
translated in Houck, Spanish Régime in Missouri, vol. i, 141-148. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 75 


distribution point for most of the tribes of the Texas- 
Louisiana frontier. 

It has been commonly supposed that the early Louis- 
iana fur trade was all centered at St. Louis, and a study 
of this branch of it has made familiar the names of such 
men as La Clede, the Chouteaus, Robidoux, Lisa, and 
Clamorgan.” A parallel study of the southwestern 
frontier reveals a long list of equally interesting and per- 
haps equally important names. Among the supply mer- 
chants at Natchitoches and New Orleans during the 
decade between 1770 and 1780 were Juan Piseros, who 
at one time was creditor to the Spanish government and 
the missions to the amount of thirty thousand dollars; 
Voix, also a man of means, and his agent Joanis; Ran- 
zon, Antonio Charbonet, and Gilbert Maxent. Among 
the traders and interpreters, who during the same period 
went among the tribes, were Le Blanc de Villeneufve, 
Bormé, La Mathe, Mathias le Court, Fazende, the 
Layssards (Jean Baptiste, and Nicolas Marafret), 
Lemé, De Qunidse, Sosier, Bosquet, Pichet, Barré, La 
Lima, Du Chesne [ Dugene], Rose, Gagneé, and Gaig- 
nard. 

The attachment of Louisiana to Havana while Texas 
was a part of New Spain, where a different system of 
Indian control was in vogue, led to much conflict of pol- 
icy on the two sides of the frontier. The governor of 
Texas, the Baron de Ripperda, did his best to codperate 
with the Louisiana authorities, on whom reliance was 
placed for the protection of ‘Texas from the Nations of 
the North; but by this very fact he found himself under 
the suspicion of the officials of New Spain, where the 
Louisiana policy was not approved. Since the Nations 


91 Houck, History of Missouri, passim; Chittenden, American Fur Trade of 
the Far West, vol. i, passim. 


76 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


of the North received their supplies and presents from 
Natchitoches, there was little self-interest to prevent 
them from molesting the Texas settlements; and later 
on, when Ripperda saw the control of the Indians slip- 
ping from his hands through their dependence on 
Louisiana, he requested that power to license traders, 
even from Louisiana, be transferred to himself. ‘Thus 
things were often at cross purposes. Many parts of the 
policy were hard to enforce. While the Natchitoches 
traders were strictly prohibited from buying horses and 
mules from the Taovayas, that tribe frequently found a 
market for these animals with the contraband traders 
from the Arkansas, or even with the tribes of the Mis- 
sourl, and thus horse-stealing at the Spanish settlements 
was still encouraged,” while the Natchitoches merchants 
demanded a removal of the restrictions, in order that 
they might compete with the contrabandistas from the 
Arkansas. 

Nor did the frontier forts and the Indian policy 
combined succeed in keeping the English out of Louis- 
iana. The oncoming tide could not be restrained; in- 
deed, its advance wave crossed the Mississippi much 
earlier than has commonly been supposed. ‘This had 
occurred even before the American Revolution, as is 
clearly shown by numerous items of evidence relating to 
various parts of the frontier. Some of these items may 
be noted here. 

On the southwestern border the English entered the 
Spanish territories by way of the coast, or went across 
Louisiana to various parts of the Texas frontier. Tribes 


92 Expediente sobre proposiciones del Governador de Texas, Baron de 
Ripperda, para ereccion de un Nuevo Presidio y Emprender una Cruda Guerra 
contra los Apaches Lipanes, haciendo alianza con las naciones del Norte, 
Archivo General, Mexico, Historia, vol. 51; Expediente sobre la dolosa y fingida 
paz de las Naciones del Norte; y comercio ilicito de los Franceses de la Nueba 
Orleans, Archivo General, Mexico, Historia, vol. 93, passim; Journal of J. 
Gaignard’s expedition to the Naytanes, 1773-1774. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 77 


as far west as the Texas border were going to the Eng- 
lish to purchase goods as early as 1768. In 1769 four 
Englishmen were found living at Natchitoches. One 
was a man named Guillermo Ovarden [ William War- 
den], another a man of Irish birth named Juan Cruz 
[John Cross?]. Several cases of shipwreck of English 
mariners occurred on the Texas coast in the succeeding 
years. In 1771 a party of them were picked up and 
taken to La Bahia; the next year they went overland 
to Natchitoches driving one hundred, thirty-three head 
of beef cattle and more than forty horses, purchased at 
San Antonio with three pipes of rum and three barrels 
of sugar. This transaction, of course, was authorized 
by the San Antonio officials. From the sugar and the 
rum we would infer that the Englishmen, perhaps, had 
come by way of the West Indies. In the same year, 
1772, it was learned that English firearms and other 
goods were in use to a small extent among the Taovayas 
on the upper Red River. In that year, also, several Eng- 
lish merchants were reported as residing at Opelousas, 
trading with the inhabitants there and with the Texas 
tribes and boasting that they would trade wherever they 
pleased. In October of the next year, 1773, the gov- 
ernor of Louisiana reported to the king of Spain that 
English traders were crossing the wilds of Louisiana 
and dealing with several of the Indian tribes in spite of 
all that he could do. In response he was instructed to 
entrust the task of stopping the trafic to Athanase de 
Mezieres, lieutenant-governor of Natchitoches. In 
June of the next year, 1774, it was reported that Juan 
Hamilton and others continued to make journeys to the 
mouth of the Trinity to buy horses and mules from the 
Indians, who stole them from the Spanish settlements, 
and to go inland to the Bidai tribe, where they were 
causing disturbances. Atthesame time acertain Jerome 


78 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


Matalinche, said to be the agent of English merchants 
of Manchac, West Florida, was conducting similar 
trade among the tribes of the Neches River. In 1777 
Gil Ybarbo, captain of Bucareli, on the Trinity River, 
was told by a trader among the Arkokisa that an English 
vessel laden with brick had stranded on Sabine Lake at 
the mouth of the Neches River. Going to reconnoiter, 
he learned that the English had been entering the Neches: 
in small vessels and trading with the natives, having rez ~ 
mained there in 1774 long enough to plantacrop. He 
found the vessel as it had been reported, and on his re- 
turn picked up west of the Trinity a lost Englishman, 
whose name is given as Miler. ‘These inroads of the 
English on the coast, it was claimed, were partly checked 
by the work of Ybarbo from his vantage point at Bu- 
carell. 

Writing in 1778 of the trade in firearms with the Na- 
tions of the North, Croix, the commandant-general of 
the Interior Provinces, declared himself opposed to it if 
it were not for the fact that the trade would surely pass 
to the hands of the English “‘who lose no opportunity to 
introduce themselves among the Indians, both for the 
profit gained from the barter, and for the welcome and 
gratitude with which the Indians receive them.” 

Thus there is no lack of evidence that before the close 
of the Revolution the English were causing a great deal 
of anxiety on the part of the Spanish officials, or that 
they were actually pushing across Louisiana and by way 
of the Gulf to the borders of Texas.” Moreover, the 


93 For evidence on the matters treated in the foregoing paragraph see Ulloa 
to O’Conor, 1768 (undated letter) ; Ripperda to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 26, 
1772; Ripperda to the viceroy, April 28, 1772; Joseph de la Peta to Unzaga y 
Amezaga, Sept. 14, 1772; Arriaga to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 30, 1774; De 
Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, June 30, 1774 and Aug. 2, 1774; reports by 
De Méziéres of his expedition to the Taovayas, 1778; Croix to Joseph de 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 79 


indications given here regarding English activities on 
the southwestern frontier during the decade 1770-1780, 
can all be paralleled by similar data regarding Upper 
Louisiana, where traders from II|linois were ascending 
the Missouri by 1773, and were getting furs to the value 
of many thousand dollars a year by 1778.” 


Athanase De Méztéres and the Louisitana-Texas Fron- 
: tier, I709-1779 

* In the foregoing pages a general statement only has 
been made of the aims, agencies, and workings of the 
Indian policy which Spain put in force in Louisiana 
and on the Texas frontier in 1769. A detailed view of 
its operation in the Southwest can be obtained by study- 
ing the activities of Athanase de Meéziéres, lieutenant- 
governor of Natchitoches during the decade 1769-1779, 
when he was the principal director of the affairs of the 
Louisiana- Texas border. 

As has already been intimated, under the Spanish ré- 
gime in Louisiana many of the old French officers were 
retained in the service. Among them was De Mézieres, 
who had been a captain at the post of Natchitoches. 
O’Reilly took possession of Louisiana on August 18, 
1769, and on September 23 he called De Meéziéres to 
New Orleans for a conference, saying, “I know that 
you are better able than anyone else to give me correct 
information regarding everything relating to your dis- 
trict.’ Asaconsequence De Mézieres was assigned the 
position of lieutenant-governor of Natchitoches, to suc- 
ceed Baltazar de Villiers, another Frenchman who had 
been retained in the government. De Mézieres’s ap- 


Galvez, Sept. 23, 1778; Bolton, “Spanish Abandonment and Reoccupation of 
East Texas,” op. cit., 117-118. 

94 Piernas to Unzaga y Amezaga, July 4, 1772 and April 21, 1773; Leyba 
to Bernardo de Galvez, Noy. 16, 1778. 


80 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES { Vol. 





pointment took place on or before November 24, 1769.” 

SUMMARY OF HIS CAREER. Athanase de Méziéres 
was a native of Paris, St. Sulpice Parish. His father 
was M. Louis Christophe de Méziéres and his mother 
Madam Marie Antoinette Clugny. His family had high 
connections, which can best be stated in his own words. 
Writing in March, 1779, to Governor Bernardo de 
Galvez, he said: 


One of my sisters, the Baroness D’Andelot, bears a name 
known throughout France; the other, the Marchioness de Mon- 
tessons, married Monseigneur the Duke of Orleans; my uncles, 
Minard de Clugny, are generals in the army; my cousin of the 
same name was Minister of State; my nephew, the Marquis 
de Genlis, is inspector of infantry; my niece is lady in waiting to 
Madame the Duchess of Chartres.% 

De Meéziéres came to Louisiana apparently about 
1733. Just when he went to Natchitoches, where he 
spent the greater portion of his career in America, has 
not been ascertained, but it is known that he was there 
as early as September 27, 1743, for on that day he wit- 
nessed the baptism of Francois Rondin at the parish 
church. His principal vocation was that of soldier at 
the post in the company of infantry. A summary of his 
services under the French government is given in a 
mémoire in the Archives du Ministére des Colonies at 
Paris, written in 1769 and transcribed in 1908 for the 
present writer.” It says: 

95 O’Reilly to De Méziéres, Sept. 23, 1769; the same to Bormé, Nov. 24, 
1769. De Méziéres’s salary was fixed at thirty pesos, presumably per month, 
and his appointment was temporary. The Marqués de Grimaldi to Unzaga y 
Amezaga, Oct. 24, 1779, Letter no. 48. Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 174, no. ror. 

%6 De Méziéres to Bernardo de Galvez, March 17, 1779. 

97 Archives du Ministére des Colonies, Piéces du dossier Demeziere: Ex- 
trait des Registres des Commissions Brevets, Ordres du Roi et du Ministre, tent 


au Contolle de la Marine, a la Nelle Orleans, Province de la Louisianne, 
Mémoire listed as of the date 1769. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 81 


The Sieur de Méziéres served in La Louisiane continuously 
for thirty years, up to the cession of the colony, in the capacities 
of ensign, lieutenant, and captain, under the orders of Messrs. 
de Bienville, Vaudreuil, and Kerlérec. For the zeal which he 
showed in the campaigns in which he was employed against the 
Indians and in other negotiations and missions he merited suc- 
cessively the promotions above-mentioned. He now requests the 
Cross of St. Louis, due for his long services, as well as the pay- 
ment of his pension, as capitaine reformé, from the month of 
September, 1769, and reimbursement for his passage, which his 
Majesty granted free to all his comrades.** 


The date of his discharge from the French service 
was September 15, 1763.° A little more light on his 
military career is shed by the local records of Natch- 


%8 There was in the Louisiana service after 1738 a Manguet de Méziéres, 
son of Madame de la Haye. He was sent over by royal order of November 28 
of that year, at the request of his family, to be disciplined, or reformed. In 
1742 (October 29) the king, “sincerely hoping that he may be able to return to 
France,” revoked the order. But by 1746 De Méziéres had not returned, for on 
June 28 a ministerial despatch was written to the governor, Vaudreuil, stating 
that, although the king had revoked the original order, it was his intent that 
Vaudreuil should withhold permission for De Méziéres to return, and suggest- 
ing that, since such favorable reports had been given of De Méziéres, he should 
be promoted to the grade of cadet a laiguilette. On March 16, following, 
Vaudreuil replied that as he had had occasion for nothing but satisfaction with 
De Méziéres, he would have been ready to allow him to return before, and that 
he had provided for the promotion suggested [Archives du Ministere des 
Colonies, ministerial despatch of Nov. 28, 1738, with two royal orders, B. 66, p. 
9; royal order, October 29, 1742, ibid., B. 74; ministerial despatch, June 28, 
1746, ibid., B. 83, p. 31; “copie de la lettre de M. de Vaudreuil du 16 Mars, 
1747,” tbid., 013, 31, p. 24]. 

Father du Poisson, missionary to the Akensas, in a letter dated at Aukensas, 
Oct. 3, 1727, tells of stopping in June of that year, on his way up the Missis- 
sippi, just below Pointe Coupeé, “at the grant of Monsieur Mesieres; this has 
the appearance of a habitation that has only beginning. We found there 
cabins, negroes, and an honest rustic who did us neither good nor harm” 
[Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, vol. Ixvii, 303]. What De Méziéres is meant, I 
have not ascertained. 

99 Archives du Ministére des Colonies, Piéces du dossier Demeziere, extract 
of certificate of discharge, signed by Kerlérec. On June 20, 1768 an order was 
issued for the payment of a pension for the years 1765 and 1766 “Au S*™ de 
Meziéres cy devant capitaine des Troupes entretennes a la Louisianne” [Dossier, 
op. cit. Papers marked “Mezieres, de, 400. Colonies,” 1765 and 1766]. 


82 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





itoches. In 1744 he was referred to as a cadet; in a 
document of 1748 his promotion is mentioned; in 1750 
he was referred to as an officer of the company; in 1752 
he was serving in the capacity of lieutenant; in 1756 and 
thereafter he had the rank of captain. From the fre- 
quent references to him and frequent signatures by him 
in the local archives it is evident that he was at Natch- 
itoches quite continuously from 1743 to 1769, when he 
entered the Spanish service, though this does not pre- 
clude his being absent from that place many months at 
a time.’ ‘The confidence of the superior French au- 
thorities in the ability and discretion of De Méziéres 
is shown not only by his promotion but also by the fact 
that in 1756, when he was serving as lieutenant-com- 
mander of the post of Natchitoches, with the rank of 
captain, he was appointed by Governor Kerlérec to act 
as joint commissioner to determine whether the Spanish 


100 Most of the above personal information was gathered from the records 
of the parish church at Natchitoches, which were kindly put at my disposal by 
the Reverend Father A. Piegay, vicar-general of the diocese and parish priest 
at Natchitoches. De Méziéres’s full name as given in the record of his mar- 
riage is Christophe Athanase Fortunat de Méziéres. Im an earlier entry (April 
27, 1744) it is given as Athanase Christophe Fortunat. Neither of these is a 
personal signature. Before he entered the services of Spain he usually signed 
his name in the French form, but after that event he usually hispanized it, 
signing ‘“‘Athanacio de Méziéres,” or “Athanacio de Méziéres y Clugny.” Even 
while in the sefvice of France he sometimes, when writing to Spaniards, 
used the Spanish form. See original letter to Father Abad, Nov. 28, 1758. 
Archivo General y Publico, Mexico. 

It would be inferred that De Méziéres must have been at Natchitoches some 
time before September, 1743 —long enough to have formed intimate acquaint- 
ances before he was chosen as godfather. The frequent references to his name 
and numerous personal signatures in the local records show that he must have 
been at Natchitoches most of the time from 1743 to 1769, the date of his 
entering the Spanish service, except, perhaps, the years between 1750 and 1756, 
for which period no signatures or references were noted. But he was there 
some part of each of the following years: 1743, 1744, 1746, 1748, 1749, 1750, 
1756, 1758, 1759, 1760, 1761, 1762, 1763, 1764, 1768, 1769. ‘This list of dates is 
not exhaustive, and he may have been there in other years. In January, 1758, 
he is known to have been at New Orleans, but he had returned by March. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 83 


presidio of San Agustin de Ahumada, just established 
on the lower Trinity, was on French or Spanish soil."” 

Besides being a soldier, De Méziéres seems to have 
been, like other officers there, both a trader and a planter. 
A document of the year 1747 indicates that he had capital 
invested in the Indian trade, as partner of Sieur de la 
Fleure,*’ and in later years he is spoken of in Spanish 
documents as having long been an Indian trader at 
Natchitoches. He must have been a man of some means, 
for a padron or census of Natchitoches, made in the 
year 1766, gives in the list of property following his 
name, among other possessions, ten thousand pounds of 
tobacco and thirty-five slaves. Of the latter, it is inter- 
esting to note, as characteristic of slavery on that frontier, 
four were Indians.** Though apparently well-to-do 
when he entered the Spanish service, he left it a bank- 
rupt. 

De Meziéres’s good breeding gave him rank with 
the best families of the frontier post, and on April 18, 
1746, he was married to Marie Petronille Feliciane 


101 Letter of Governor Kerlérec to Governor Barrios y Jauregui, of Texas, 
Nov. 2, 1756, in the Archivo General y Publico, Mexico, Historia, vol. 91. It 
was delivered at Adaes on Feb. 15, 1757, by De Méziéres, in person. Barrios 
of course refused to appoint a commissioner to assist in Kerlérec’s presumptuous 
project. 

102 Contract of partnership between La Fleure and Le Coure to trade at the 
Petit Village (Caddo). La Fleure agrees to furnish one hundred fifty pots 
of oil “for the merchandise belonging to Sieur de Méziéres and the said La 
Fleure.” Archives of Natchitoches, Court House, “Oldest Bundle, no. ror.” 

103 Relacién y Plan que manifiesta el Padrén del Puesto de Natchitoches, 
1766. Ms. Historia, vol. 91, Archivo General, Mexico, expediente no. 8. The 
entry concerning the family of De Méziéres contains the following items: men, 
1; women, 1; boys, 5; girls, 1; free mestizoes, 1; negro slaves, male, 14; negro 
slaves, female, 9; negro boys, 1; negro girls, 5; mulattoes, male, 1; mulattoes, 
female, 1; savages, male, 2; savages, female, 2; fire arms, 4; side-arms, 
3; horned cattle, 100; — horses, 30; hogs, 50; sheep, 60; roco pounds of to- 
bacco in bundles; 400 arrobas of maize in the ear; 50 [arrobas?] of grain of 
different species. An arroba is a measure of weight equal to about twenty- 
five pounds. 


84 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


Juchereau de St. Denis, daughter of the man who, for 
more than a quarter of a century, had controlled the 
destiny of western Louisiana. This alliance made De 
Meéziéres a brother-in-law of Cesaire de Blanc de 
Neuveville, who became successor to St. Denis as com- 
mander. De Méziéres’s first wife died in 1748, and 
later, during or before 1769, he married Dame Pelagie 
Fazende [ Falsinthe it is sometimes written], who died 
in 1777, during an epidemic in which De Mezieres lost 
also a son and a daughter, all three dying within the 
same week.’ 

In recognition of his services, especially among the 
Indians, in 1773 De Méziéres was advanced to the rank 
of lieutenant-colonel; in 1778 he was called to Texas to 
serve as acting governor, a position which he did not 
fill; and in 1779, just before his death, he was appointed 
permanent governor of the province, while at the same 


104 From his first marriage there was born a daughter, Elizabeth Felicité 
Nepomuceno, who was baptized September 3, 1746, and who became one of the 
heirs to the long unsettled estate of St. Denis. From the second marriage there 
were several children, whose names are reproduced here as given in the church 
records: Louis Francois Marie, baptized Jan. 25, 1760, Antoine Marie, baptized 
Jan. 21, 1762; Marie Josefa Pelagie, baptized Nov. 9, 1763; and Marie Nicolas 
Zozame, baptized Aug. 15, 1768. Besides these children there were two sons 
the dates of whose baptisms were not found: Maria Athanase Pelagio, who 
was godfather at the baptism of his sister in 1763, and Marie Cesaire. One of 
De Méziéres’s daughters was sent to Europe, no doubt to be educated. She re- 
turned in 1770 after an absence of sixteen years [De Méziéres to Unzaga, Feb. 
2, 1770; Unzaga to De Meéziéres, March 15, 1770]. In 1777 what seems to 
have been a terrible epidemic swept over Natchitoches, for the burial records 
of that year show fifty deaths during the three months of Oct.-Dec. During 
the scourge De Méziéres lost within a week (Dec. 11-17) his wife, Dame 
Fazende, his son Cesaire, and a daughter, Marie. In the church records for 
the years immediately: following the death of De Méziéres we find the names of 
Antoine, Zozimo, Jacques, Marie, and Athanase de Méziéres. 

There is current at Natchitoches a belief that Athanase de Méziéres was a 
prince of the royal blood, that he never married, but left a family of mulatto 
children. The groundlessness of the belief is evident from the foregoing facts. 
It might be stated in this connection that in 1781 when the infant child of 
a certain free mulatto woman was baptized, Athanase de Méziéres Ti (een 
cuyo nombre la tubo,” was named as godfather. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 85 


time his promotion to a colonelcy was being considered 
by the king of Spain.’” 

Although in the early years of his service to Spain, 
he was not trusted by all the Spanish officials, before he 
died he completely overcame the distrust. ‘The suspi- 
cion was partly racial and arose in part from the double 
position which he occupied on the two sides of the 
Louisiana-Texas boundary. There is nothing in his 
known deeds or words that would indicate that he was 
not altogether faithful to the government under which 
he had fallen by a cast in the political fortunes of Louis- 
iana. He made mistakes, mainly due to a lack of ex- 
perience in civil administration; but he acknowledged 
and rectified them. He made enemies, but what con- 
scientious official has not? 

PERSONALITY; SKILL AS AN INDIAN AGENT. De 
Mézieres seems to have been of that versatile type of 
French frontier officers like Saint Denis, who could, on 
occasion, make an official report to his superiors in the 
French language, berate a presumptuous Texas gov- 
ernor in Spanish, or indite a tender missive to a Fran- 
ciscan padre in Latin. We are told that De Mézieéres 
was a mathematician of ability and we know that he had 
a ready command of Spanish. It is clear that he was a 
man of culture and of considerable information, and, if 
we may judge from the written version of his speeches, 
of eloquence. In his writings we see reflected a char- 
acter at once outwardly pious and absolutely unscru- 
pulous in a resort to treachery to undo a treacherous 
foe.*°° He was cautious, yet bold to make a bluff in case 


105 De Méziéres to Croix, Oct. 7, 1779, enclosing letters of Joseph de Galvez 
and Bernardo de Galvez; same to same, Oct. 13, 1779. 

106 Evidence of this is found in his own statement of his attempt to secure 
the murder of El Mocho, the Tonkawa chief, at the hands of the latter’s 
rivals. De Méziéres to Croix, Sept. 5, 1779, no. 7. 


86 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


of need. One of his enemies called him a braggart, and 
perhaps the imputation was not unfounded; and yet at 
times he showed a most delicate and sensitive modesty. 

What made De Meézieres particularly valuable in the 
Spanish service was his intimate knowledge of the In- 
dians, among whom he is said to have spent much time 
in early life. A Spanish source, which may not be al- 
together reliable on this point, tells us that he “always 
lived among these Nations [of the North] trading 
in guns and ammunition, from the time of Don Jacinto 
de Barrios.”**’ ‘The nature of some of his dealings 
with the savages while he was in the service of France 
is told by himself in terms that reveal the depths to 
which nations may descend in the struggle for empire. 
Reference is here made to the personal confessions of 
De Mézieres as to the business of scalp-buying incident 
to the contest of the English and the French for the con- 
trol of the Mississippi Valley.*** In a letter written in 
November, 1758, to one of the missionaries of ‘Texas, on 
the occasion of the Indian massacre at San Saba, he 
claims to have had little experience with the habits of 
the savages; but in the same letter he gives advice as to 
their management which bears the touch of the master.*” 
In 1772 he was declared by the Baron de Ripperda, 
governor of Texas, to have “such a knowledge of these 
provinces of ‘Texas and Louisiana as is possessed by no 
one else, and, likewise, of the tribes which surround 
them.’”’** ‘This reputation he easily sustained, in spite 
of his enemies, until he died seven years later, still in the 
employ of Spain. 

107 Pacheco to O’Conor, April 20, 1774, in Expediente sobre la dolosa paz, 
hee De Méziéres to Croix, Nov. 15, 1778, on the state of Louisiana. 

109 Carta de el Cap” Frances [De Méziéres] escrita a un misionero de 


Texas. Nov. 28, 1758. Archivo General Mexico, Historia, vol. 84. 
110 Letter to the viceroy, July 6, 1772. 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 87 


The chief service of De Méziéres to the Spanish gov- 
ernment was to win to Spanish allegiance the Nations 
of the North, which, though friendly to the French, had 
been hostile to the Spanish, and to maintain their alle- 
giance, both in Texas and Louisiana. The story of these 
efforts is told in the correspondence of De Mézieres 
with a wealth of interesting detail. It may be briefly 
summarized here. 

_ THE BEGINNINGS OF HIS ADMINISTRATION. Being 

charged with justice, the police, and all other branches 
of the service, De Mézieres found a multitude of things 
to attend to in the first year of his incumbency — matters 
which illustrate well the interests of the frontier post 
which he occupied. It is to his credit that the lack of 
friction with which the inhabitants of the Natchitoches 
district accepted the change of sovereigns was attributed 
by the governor of Louisiana directly to the personal in- 
fluence of De Méziéeres. Among his many activities, De 
Meéziéeres made nominations for the minor offices; he 
issued police regulations and expelled objectionable per- 
sons from Natchitoches; he turned his attention to the 
promotion of industry, experimenting with grain raising 
and recommending the establishment of manufactures; 
he aided the shipwrecked Acadians who came overland 
from Texas, and furnished supplies for the starving 
presidials of Los Adaes; he repaired the fort and gov- 
ernment buildings, largely at his own expense; he called 
an assembly of citizens and raised a fund for the re- 
building of the church, himself laying the corner stone 
in the name of the governor; he took a census of the 
district (1771), and projected maps and geographical 
reports. Finally, he attended with much vigor to the 
various phases of relations with the natives. 

In this work he was not always successful in the eyes 


88 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vo 


of others. O'Reilly thought him too active in making 
nominations of persons for whom there were no places; 
but O’Reilly’s correspondence with him was on the 
whole very friendly, and when he left New Orleans he 
wrote De Méziéres an appreciation of his services (Feb. 
19, 1770). With Unzaga y Amezaga he succeeded 
well at first. But in the performance of his judicial 
tasks he made some technical errors and caused several 
complaints; Unzaga y Amezaga accordingly repri- 
manded him, and set aside some of his decisions. ‘There 
was even talk of De Mézieres’s resignation, but he re- 
pudiated the imputation and eventually he regained 
Unzaga’s confidence. In the summer of 1770 he sold his 
plantation to Le Blanc, as a means of paying his debts, 
and that he might give more time to his office, for there 
was complaint against him of absenteeism. 
REGULATION OF THE INDIAN TRADE. After the Louis- 
iana cession Ulloa, first Spanish governor in Louisiana, 
and O’Conor, acting governor in Texas, issued proc- 
lamations threatening with death any Frenchman trad- 
ing in Texas. Later O’Conor claimed that by this 
means all trade of the kind was suppressed." 
However this may be, Ulloa soon concluded that the 
French system of trade and presents for the friendly 
tribes must be continued. The force of this opinion 
was demonstrated in December, 1767, when an attempt 
was made to cut off the trade with the Yatasi. A trader 
named Du Buche, on his way to that village, being 
stopped at O’Conor’s orders, the tribe rose in rebellion, 
held a meeting, and planned to attack one of the Texas 
presidios, but was deterred by their chief, Guakan. 


111 This paragraph is based on the study of De Méziéres’s correspondence 
for the whole of the first year following his appointment. 

111a Q’Conor to the viceroy, May 8, 1773. Historia, vol. 51, expediente 1, f. 
1O%. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 89 


The affair being reported to Ulloa by Saint Denis, 
Guakan was pacified and the trade permitted to con- 
tinue. 

Operating under Ulloa’s orders, apparently, Villiers 
permitted French traders to go freely to the tribes of 
Louisiana and Texas without restriction as to time or 
place. Among those to whom he gave licenses were 
Barré, Gagneé, Lemoine, Blot, and Manciére. When 
O’Reilly took charge of the province, he continued the 
trade with the friendly tribes, but proceeded to cut it off 
from the enemies. ‘To effect the former policy he or- 
dered De Mézieres to continue the annual presents to the 
Cadodacho, Petit Cado, and Yatasi, and to provide them 
with bonded traders, the contract to furnish the pres- 
ents being let to a man named Ranzon. De Meézieéres 
proceeded promptly to carry out the orders. Within a 
short time he had communicated with chiefs Tinhiotien 
and Cocay, of the Cadodacho and Yatasi respectively, 
informed them of their selection as medal chiefs, and ar- 
ranged for a meeting with them at Natchitoches. This 
gathering was held on April 21, 1770, when the chiefs 
formally ceded their lands to the king, and promised to 
receive the presents and the traders, and to use their in- 
fluence in making peace with and in controlling the 
Nations of the North. 

As traders to these villages De Méziéres appointed 
Alexis Grappé, Dupain, and Fazende Moriere. In his 
approval of the appointment, O’Reilly stipulated that 
these men should not monopolize the trade of their re- 
spective villages. On February 3, De Méziéres made 
a contract with Juan Piseros to furnish the goods for the 
traders, he to deliver them at Natchitoches on a year’s 
credit, and to receive in payment bear’s fat at twenty- 
five sous a pot, buffalo hides at ten livres each, or deer- 


90 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


skins at thirty-five sous apiece, as he chose. Piseros went 
to New Orleans to get the goods, and was ready to re- 
turn by March 16. Other men besides these three 
engaged in the trade. In the summer of 1770 De 
Mézieéres licensed Cesaire Bormé, commander of the 
post, to trade with the village of the Yatasi, in consid- 
eration of having furnished goods to traders in the past 
for which he had received no pay. Bormé got his goods 
of Joanis, of Natchitoches, agent of Voix. In the same 
summer, De Meézieéres settled a dispute over some furs 
between Antoine Charbonet and Esteban Pavie [ Ruiz], 
deciding in favor of Pavie, on the ground that all the 
trade was being monopolized by the former, contrary to 
O’Reilly’s instructions. 

In 1771 the trade of San Luis de Cadodachos was in 
the hands of Don Matthas le Court, a retired officer, 
welcome to the Indians and conversant with them, and 
‘of small means and large family.” He was supplied 
by one of his creditors, Don Antonio [Charbonet?]. 
M. Fazende, the brother-in-law of De Meézieres, was 
placed this year in the village of the Petit Cado, and 
Bormé “without change,” was in charge of the trade of 
the Yatasi.** 

O’Reilly had ordered De Meéziéres and other post 
commanders to cut off trade among the Indians in 


112In October, when De Méziéres went up the Red River, there was a 
trader, apparently Moriére, at the Yatasi village, living with an Apache 
woman; Du Pain, with his engagés, was at the village of the Petit Cado; and 
Grappé, with several other Frenchmen, was at Cadodacho, where he occupied as 
a storehouse the old French fort. One of the Frenchmen there, a man over seventy 
years of age, was said to have been living there more than thirty years. An- 
other had four or five Apache squaws, and 2 grown up son who had never been 
baptized. 

113 De Mézieres to Unzaga y Amezaga, March 14, 1771. Le Court was 
still at Cadodachos in July, for at that time he had just sent a message to De 
Méziéres concerning the Taovayas. De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, July 


31, 177t- 


5 
: 
id 


eer ale 


.) 








one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION gI 


horses, mules, and captives, to prohibit all commerce 
with the hostile tribes, that they might be coerced into 
friendship; and to expel from the villages all unlicensed 
traders, vagabonds [ coureurs de bots]|,"** and outlaws, 
promising pardon for such as had committed no heinous 
crime. De Méziéres proceeded to carry out these 
orders with a vigor that entailed complaints and en- 
mities. As illustrations of his activities, in January, 
1770, he confiscated four Indian slaves bought among 
the enemies; seized and sold at auction a drove of horses 
and mules purchased among the Indians by Duchesne, 
Poeyfarré, and Pavie; and expelled from Natchitoches, 
some of them at least for contraband Indian trade, Vil- 
lars, Dartigo, Duvivier, Durand, Poeyfarré, and Men- 
ard. Early in the same year he confiscated horses and 
mules secured by Barré from the Nacogdoches and 
Nadacogs, as well as goods belonging to Brognard and 
Riddé, other contraband traders. One result of this ap- 
parently effective curtailment of the trade with the en- 
emies is seen in the statement that the Taovayas, “seeing 
themselves without the accustomed supplies furnished 
them through the disordered greed of the traders,” 
withdrew for a time in 1770 to the north, hoping per- 
haps, to get supplies from the Arkansas traders. At the 
same time that he cut off supplies from the Nortefios, he 
took steps to conciliate them by invoking the good offices 
of Tinhiotien, by sending a courier among them to ar- 
range for a conference, and by asking the governor’s 
permission to take them to San Antonio to make peace 
before the governor of Texas. 

With the “vagabonds” and outlaws living among the 
tribes, De Mézieéres proceeded with equal vigor, but not 


113a [pn these documents the Spanish writers use coureurs de bois as synony- 
mous with vagamundo, or “vagabond,” and as a term of opprobrium. 


92 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





always with the same harshness. In May he reported 
that of twenty-eight persons of this class, in which 
unlicensed traders were included, all but four had re- 
turned to civilization, namely, Riddé and Brognard, 
Blot and Manciére. The first two soon afterward re- 
turned and were sent to New Orleans, while about the 
same time Blot and Manciére were killed by the Nabe- 
dache and Nacogdoche, a crime for which they gave 
satisfaction by taking to Natchitoches the head of one of 
the perpetrators. Among the “vagabonds”’ who came 
in we learn the names of Lami, Francois Beaudoin, “a 
magnate” of the Arkansas, and Francois Morvant. The 
last-named, at the instance of Chief Tinhiotien, was per- 
mitted to return and live with the friendly Cado- 
dacho.** 

THE EXPEDITION TO THE CADODACHO IN 1770. In 
the fall of 1770, De Méziéres went to the village of the 
Cadodacho, on the Red River, to undertake the begin- 
ning of what he recognized to be his principal mission, 
the winning of the Nations of the North. He had begun 
soon after his appointment, as we have seen, to arrange 
for a conference with the tribes, but Unzaga’s permission 
was given grudgingly. Conducted by three chiefs, and 
going by the way of the Adaes, Yatasi, and Petit Cado, 
De Meézieres met at the appointed place the chiefs of 
the Taovayas, Tawakoni, Yscanis, and Kichai, tribes all 
hitherto hostile to the Spaniards. Through the aid of 


114 Documentary evidence on which the last few paragraphs are based will 
be found in the following correspondence: Ulloa to O’Conor, minute of undated 
letter written in 1768; passport issued by Villiers to Gagneé and Lemoine, Jan. 
18, 1768; declaration of Barré, June 8, 1770; De Méziéres to Unzaga, June 10, 
1770 and May 15, 1770; O'Reilly to De Méziéres, Jan. 22, 1770, several com- 
munications; list of presents for the tribes; O’Reilly to De Méziéres, Jan. 17, 
1770 and Jan. 23, 1770; De Méziéres to Unzaga, Feb. 1, 1770; Unzaga to De 
Mézieéres, March 16, 1770; memorial of Bormé to Unzaga, Nov. 3, 1770; Un- 
zaga y Amezaga to Bormé, Nov. 20, 1770; De Meéziéres to Unzaga, Aug. 31, 
1770; reports of the conference of 1770 at Cadodachos. 


poy Go! Pe phat, a Te 





——/} 


fide et ee, 





one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 93 





Tinhiotien, and by impassioned speech, which appealed 
now to fear, now to cupidity, he extracted from them 
professions of amity and a promise that they would go to 
San Antonio de Béxar to ratify before the governor a 
treaty of peace. De Méziéres’s report of this expedi- 
tion, in addition to recording the event, throws valuable 
light upon Indian relations at and previous to the time 
when the expedition was made, and especially upon the 
geographical readjustment of some of the tribes that 
attended the Louisiana cession and the cessation of their 
hostilities against the Spaniards. The account of the 
same expedition written four years later by Fray Santa 
Maria y Silva, who accompanied De Méziéres, the tes- 
timony given by the soldiers of Los Adaes who also went 
with him, and the spying of Joseph de la Pefia, under 
orders from Unzaga y Amezaga, upon De Meéziéres’s 
acts, all illustrate the jealousy and suspicion with which 
the Spaniards continued to regard the French long after 
Louisiana had been transferred to Spain. 

THE TREATIES OF 1771 WITH THE NATIONS OF THE 
North. The soldiers who testified concerning the oc- 
currences at Cadodachos, and, echoing them, the gov- 
ernor of Louisiana himself, all claimed to believe that 
the promises of the Indians would not be kept, but that, 
on the contrary, the expedition would only increase their 
hostility. But De Méziéres took a different view, and 
the event proved that he was right, for in 1771 treaties 
of peace were effected with the Kichai, Tawakoni, 
Yscanis, Cainiones,’ and Taovayas, and by proxy of 
these, with the Tonkawa. 


115 This tribe is apparently the same as the Cahinnio [see Handbook of 
American Indians, part i, 184]. Joutel in 1687 called them the Cahainohoua 
[Relation, in Margry’s Découvertes, vol. iii]. They were then evidently north 
of the Red River in southwestern Arkansas. Espinosa tells us that while Fray 
Francisco Casanas de Jesus Maria was in Texas between 1699-1692 he was 
miraculously carried by “a man of Venerable aspect (who must have been 


94 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


In bringing these treaties about, the efforts of De 
Méziéres were supplemented by those of Ripperda, the 
Texas missionaries, and the chief of the Hainai, or 
Texas, tribe, who had been granted a medal. After his 
return to Natchitoches, De Méziéres had requested per- 
mission to go again to Cadodacho to conclude the 
treaties for which he had arranged in October. ‘The re- 
quest was referred by the governor of Louisiana to Rip- 
perda, who, instead of replying, took advantage of the 
good offices of Father Pedro Ramirez, president of the 
eastern missions, and Fray Francisco Sedano, both of 
whom were well acquainted with the interior tribes, and 
who were just then about to make a journey to eastern 
Texas. Being instructed by Ripperda to try to induce 
Bigotes, the Hainai chief, to act as intermediary with 
the tribes in question, they succeeded, through the co- 
operation of De Méziéres. Soon thereafter Luis Pablo 
le Blanc de Villeneufve, accompanied by Father Sedano 
and Bigotes, went among the tribes and brought four 
chiefs of the Yscanis, T'awakoni, Kichai, and Cainiones 
to Natchitoches, where treaties were solemnized, the 
contracting parties, as a sign of harmony, wrapping 
themselves in the same Spanish flag. The chiefs named 
spoke also for the Tonkawa, but instead of going in per- 
son to San Antonio to ratify the treaties they delegated 
that task to Bigotes. He performed the commission, 
and in return for the service Ripperda made him capitan 
grande and gave him the new name of Sauto.'** ‘These 


some Angel)” northward from his mission among the Nabedache more than 
one hundred leagues to a settlement believed by Espinosa to have been that 
called Cainio, and its people Canigua [Chrémica Apéstolica, 281, 1746]. 
Without passing an opinion as to the visit of Casafias, it seems probable that the 
Cainio known to Espinosa were the Cahinohoua mentioned by Joutel. In 1763 
the Cahinnio were evidently on the Arkansas River near the Mento [Hand- 
book, ibid.]. 

116 De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, July 3, 1771; Ripperda to Unzaga 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 95 


treaties were followed a few months later by one with 
the Taovayas and in 1774 by one with the Naytane, a 
branch of the Comanche. 

Typical of all these treaties was that signed at Natchi- 
toches on October 27, 1771, by the representatives of 
the provinces of Louisiana and Texas on the one hand, 
and the chiefs of the Taovayas tribe on the other. Chief 
Tinhioten at this time again exercised his good offices, 
conducting the Taovayas to Natchitoches and witnessing 
the solemnization of the agreement. By the terms of 
the compact the Taovayas engaged to be responsible for 
the good behavior of the Comanche and to coerce them, 
if necessary, to keep the peace. ‘They agreed also to go 
to San Antonio to ratify the treaty, a promise which was 
fulfilled in the following April, when Chief Quiro- 
taches and his associates enacted before Governor Rip- 
perda the ceremony of burying the hatchet.'” 

In December, 1771, De Meéziéres secured from Gor- 
goritos, medal chief of the Bidai-Arkokisa, a formal 
promise to use his influence with the Karankawa to have 
them stop their outrages on shipwrecked mariners and 
assist in securing the return of apostates from the mis- 
sions. 

THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 TO THE UPPER BRAZOS RIVER. 
Unzaga y Amezaga was now apparently convinced of 
the genuineness of De Méziéres’s work, for on October 
4, 1771, he instructed him to extend the system of bonded 
traders to the new allies if, in De Meézieéres’s judgment, 
the treaties were to be relied upon.”* Likewise, Rip- 
perda thanked De Meézieres for his good work in secur- 
ing the treaties, and urged Unzaga y Amezaga to permit 


y Amezaga, Dec. 31, 1771; the same to the viceroy, April 28, 1772; De Méziéres, 
report of his expedition, July 4, 1772. 

117 Articles of peace agreed upon at Natchitoches, Oct. 27, 1771. 

118 Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, Oct. 4, 1771. 


96 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


him to make another embassy. Accordingly, to cement 
more securely the friendship of the new allies, to acquire 
information as to their location, customs, and strength, 
and to conduct their chiefs to San Antonio to confer with 
the governor, De Méziéres was sent on a tour among 
their villages. This step was made more urgent by the 
report that the Apache, toward whom at all hazards the 
friends of the Spaniards must be kept hostile, were seek- 
ing an alliance with the Bidai, and the rumor that the 
new allies were communicating through other tribes 
with the English to the northeast, as were the Bidai and 
Arkokisa by way of the Gulf coast. 

Leaving Natchitoches in the latter part of March, 
1772, Joseph de la Pefia being made ad interim lieuten- 
ant-governor, De Méziéres crossed the Sabine, Angelina 
and Neches Rivers, and entered the Quitseis [ Kichai | 
village near the Trinity, with which tribe his report be- 
gins. From here he passed on to the Yscanis and ‘Tawa- 
koni, on opposite sides of the Trinity, to the Tonkawa 
still further west, and to a second ‘Tawakoni village on 
the right bank of the Brazos, near modern Waco. From 
this point he proceeded up the Brazos some two hun- 
dred miles to the Wichita village, where he communi- 
cated with the Taovayas on the Red River. Going 
thence directly southward across some of the roughest 
country of western Texas he reached San Antonio on 
June 16, with seventy Indians of the various tribes in his 
train. He had spent eighty-seven days on the expedi- 
tion. The report which he made of his tour furnishes 
us, In some cases, our first as well as our most valuable 
information concerning the tribes which he visited. 
This fact will give the report, when it becomes known, 
the character of a classic. 

While on this expedition De Mézieéres learned that 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 97 


through the Panis-mahas, who were now moving south 
from the Missouri, the Taovayas were securing English 
guns and other goods in exchange for horses. ‘To cut off 
this dangerous communication he urged the Wichita, 
Taovayas, and the Tawakoni of the Brazos, to move in- 
land, farther away from English influence, and to form 
a cordon of settlements, to be covered by a Spanish 
presidio, as a protection for themselves against the 
Osage and as a bulwark for the Spaniards against both 
the Osage and the English. This removal the tribes 
promised to undertake after the coming harvest, but the 
promise remained unfulfilled. Likewise, although 
Governor Ripperda enthusiastically urged the adoption 
of De Mézieéres’s plan for a new presidio in the north, 
recommending the appointment of Luis de St. Denis, of 
Natchitoches (the same St. Denis who a decade earlier 
had been accused of bribing the Indians to destroy the 
settlement of San Agustin de Ahumada), as its com- 
mander, the government disapproved the project and it 
failed. 

Nevertheless, the first great Indian problem that had 
arisen on the Texas frontier from the Louisiana cession, 
namely, the winning of the allegiance of the formerly 
hostile Nations of the North, had now been adjusted in 
a fairly satisfactory manner. ‘Though there was much 
suspicion that De Meézieres could not be trusted, and 
that the peace was only pretended [fingida], and al- 
though complaints were made of damages done even at 
San Antonio by some of the tribes involved, yet official 
record was made in 1778 by a junta of the leading of- 
ficers of the frontier that, with the exception of the 
Comanche, the tribes had kept their promise.” ‘Though 


119De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, February 25, 1772; Expediente 
sobre proposiciones del Gobernador de Texas, etc. Cited in footnote 92; Re- 
port of the junta de guerra held at San Antonio de Béxar, Jan. 5, 1778. 


99! ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


not strictly true, this statement was probably correct in 
the main. 

While at San Antonio, De Méziéres proposed to 
undertake in the following spring, at his own expense 
but with the aid of the newly-made friends, a campaign 
against the common enemy, the Apache,’ the allies to 
be permitted to sell their captives at San Antonio, as a 
means of encouraging such expeditions against the 
Apache and of saving the captives from death. An out- 
line of the plan was presented to Ripperda in the form 
of a memorial,’ which Ripperda approved and sent to 
the viceroy, proposing at the same time that he himself 
should lead an attack on the Apache from another direc- 
tion.” The governor would have sent De Meéziéres to 
Mexico to confer with the viceroy on the state of affairs 
on the frontier had he not regarded it of more immediate 
importance that he should hasten to cut off the impend- 
ing alliance between the Apache and the Bida1. 

On his way back to Natchitoches in July, De Méziéres 
was accompanied as far as the Neches by Father Joseph 
Abad, who was bent on restoring to their mission of 
Espiritu Santo the apostate Xaranames whom De Me- 
zieres had assembled at the Tawakoni village on the 
Trinity on his outward trip. The efforts of the missionary 
were without avail. Although De Mézieres offered to 
assist in another attempt, he charged the failure to the 
friar’s lack of patience, while Father Abad spread 


120 De Meéziéres to Ripperda, July 4, 1772. The campaign was to take 
place in April or May of the following year. 

121 Unless it was the letter of July 4, cited above, this document has not 
been seen by the editor. 

122 Bonilla states that Ripperda proposed enlisting in Louisiana three hun- 
dred chasseurs [hunters] to be employed in war against the Indians of the 
North. [“Breve Compendio,” in Texas State Historical Association, Quarterly, 
vol. viii, 63.] When and under what circumstances he did this is not clear, 
but it would seem that it must have been before De Méziéres took a hand in the 
problem. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 99 


abroad his suspicions of the Frenchman’s bad faith and 
corruption, and asked permission to go to New Orleans 
to report them to Unzaga y Amezaga. This permis- 
sion was given him by his superiors, and sanctioned by 
Ripperda, but was subsequently reversed. 

At the Hasinai De Méziéres stopped, according to 
his plan, to discuss Apache affairs with the Bidai chiefs, 
whom he met there, and was successful in securing a 
promise of their alliance against the Apache. While in 
eastern Texas he heard bad news of some sort from his 
family, and, instead of going with Father Abad to the 
Tawakoni village, he left the escort with his nephew, 
Nicolas Layssard, and hurried home. After his arrival 
at Natchitoches, on learning from Ripperda that four 
Apache chiefs and their bands were on the way to the 
Hasinai and Bidai to make a treaty, De Méziéres ar- 
ranged, through a messenger, Alexis Grappé, that, under 
the guise of friendship these tribes should betray and 
massacre the Apache emissaries.*” 

No sooner had De Méziéres reached Natchitoches 
than Joseph de la Pefia went at the governor’s orders to 
Nacogdoches and Los Ais to spy upon him. At Na- 
cogdoches Pefia met Father Abad, and from him he got 
the impression that De Méziéres had misrepresented 
his treaties with the northern tribes. Though Pefia 
scoffed at De Mézieéres’s simplicity, as he represented it, 
maintaining that the Hasinai chief, Bigotes, took the 
order to attack the Apaches as a joke and laughed be- 
hind De Meéziéres’s back, yet it is from Pefia’s own pen 
that we learn later that the order was carried out, three 
of the Apache messengers being massacred in Bigotes’s 
own dwelling.’ 


123 De Méziéres to Unzaga y Amezaga, Aug. 20, 1772, nos. 4 and 5. 
124 Pena to Unzaga y Amezaga, Sept. 14, 1772 (four letters) and Jan. 18, 
1773- 


100 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


JOURNEY TO EUROPE: PROMOTION. For nearly a year 
after his return from Texas De Méziéres was in Eu- 
rope, where he visited the courts of both France and 
Spain. Early in 1772 he had requested permission to 
go to France “to recuperate his health and settle various 
matters of private business which he had pending in 
those realms.” This request, supported by a despatch 
of Unzaga y Amezaga dated February 27, was granted 
by the king of Spain on November 16. On April 23 he 
secured a passport, and it would seem that his departure 
took place in this month.” 

On November 8, while he was abroad, De Mézieres 
was promoted for his services by the king of Spain to 
the rank of lieutenant-colonel of infantry." It was ap- 
parently during his absence, also, that he was created 
knight of the Order of St. Louis. 

In the absence of De Méziéres, Balthazar de Villiers, 
commander at Pointe Coupée, had acted as lieutenant- 
governor of Natchitoches. One of Villiers’s most notable 
acts was the sending of Gaignard to make a treaty with 
the Naytane [Comanche], an enterprise in which he 
was at least nominally successful. In February, 1774, 
De Meziéres was back in New Orleans, and on March 
17 he reached Natchitoches, bearing orders to relieve 
Villiers, who returned to his post at Pointe Coupée.” 
On his return De Méziéres was visited and heartily wel- 
comed by the chiefs of most of the friendly tribes. 

THE EXTENSION OF THE FUR TRADE TO THE NEW AL- 
lies. It has been seen that in consequence of the treaties 


125 Arriaga to Unzaga y Amezaga, San Lorenzo, Nov. 16, 1772; Passport, 
cited above, original in the Bancroft Collection. The exact date of De 
Méziéres’s request does not appear, but in view of the date of Unzaga’s de- 
spatch it is inferred that the request was not made before 1772. 

126 Unzaga y Amezaga to Villiers, Feb. 21, 1774. 

127 Unzaga y Amezaga to Villiers, Feb. 21, two letters; De Méziéres to 
Unzaga y Amezaga, March 24, 1774. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 101 


of 1771 Unzaga y Amezaga in October of that year or- 
dered De Mézieres to extend the trade system to the new 
allies if he thought best.’* 

The exact details of the process by which De Meézie- 
res carried out the order do not appear, but there is 
plenty of evidence that he did establish traders prompt- 
ly among the Nations of the North and that they were 
soon working also among the eastern Texas tribes, if 
they had not been doing so all the time. On this there 
are many items of information. For example: writing on 
July 4, 1772, his report of his expedition among the 
tribes, De Mézieéres stated that they all had been sup- 
plied with bonded traders from Natchitoches, accord- 
ing to O’Reilly’s orders, and specifically described the 
trade of the Kichai, which consisted mainly in the ex- 
change of buffalo and deer skins for arms, ammunition, 
and other goods with the citizens of Natchitoches. The 
Bidai at this time must have been well provided with 
firearms, if there was any truth in the many complaints 
that they were supplying the Apache. When Father 
Abad went among the Tawakoni to recover the Xara- 
name in the summer of 1772, he found the tribe well 
supplied with French guns and ammunition, and with 
so much French tobacco that his was no object to them. 
In his report of the expedition, he said that the trade 
was “excessive, and claimed to believe that De Me- 
Mietes was interested in it. In September, 1772, it 
is learned through the letters of Pefia to Unzaga that 
De Meézieres was sending messengers among the traders, 
and new traders to displace some of the old ones. Be- 
fore that time Dugene [Duchesne] had been estab- 


128 Shortly afterward, in November of the same year, Unzaga y Amezaga 
recommended M. Lamate [Lamathe] as suitable for the Indian trade, and again 
urged the merits of Bormé for the same enterprise, perhaps in both cases with 
the new field in mind. 


102 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 





lished by De Méziéres among the ‘Taovayas, and Lemeé 
among the Kichai. La Lima was absent on private 
business with the Taovayas, and Jantillome had just 
gone to the same place to escort and introduce a squad- 
ron of soldiers from Adaes, sent by Ripperda. Lemé 
was at the time held by De Meéziéres in Natchitoches 
and made to pay some debts of his partner, Morvant, 
who was absent, apparently with the Kichai. Pefia 
added that the ‘“Nortefios,” who had for several years 
been without supplies, were now, since the traders had 
been reéstablished, all very friendly. Perhaps one of 
the traders among the “Nortefios” was Layssard, elder 
son, for in 1774 he was said to have lived three years 
with the T'awakoni and Xaraname, to know their lan- 
guages, and to be much loved by them. In the spring 
of 1773 he was apparently on the Red River, for at that 
time he saw the Panis-mahas. In March, 1773, a 
Frenchman went with a party of ‘Taovayas to San An- 
tonio de Bexar with letters from two Frenchmen, 


Who, with three others, they report, are permanently established 

in these nations by order of Don Atanacio de Méziéres 

provided with a large amount of merchandise to supply the nations 

with firearms, powder, balls, knives, axes, and other goods liked by 

those Indians, which greedy and injurious commerce even the 

citizens of Los Adaes practice with great freedom. 
In July, 1773, Villiers wrote to the governor of Louis- 
iana that Duchesne was causing dissensions among the 
tribes by his bad conduct.*” 

In the fall of 1773 J. Gaignard, a resident of Ope- 
lousas, was sent up the Red River by Villiers to make 

129 Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, Nov. 11, 1771; De Méziéres, In- 
forme, July 4, 1772; Ripperda to the viceroy, August 25, 1772; to Unzaga y 
Amezaga, same date; De la Penta to Unzaga y Amezaga, Sept. 14, 1772, several 
letters; Gaignard, Journal, 1773-1774; Menchaca to O’Conor, April 15, 1773; 


Villiers to Unzaga y Amezaga, Jan. 27, 1774, referring to a letter of July 31, 
1773- 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 103 


peace with the Naytane [Comanche], who continued to 
trouble the San Antonio settlers. ‘That his enterprise 
was as much a trading venture as a diplomatic mission 
is clear from the fact that he went at his own expense, 
took a cargo of goods, and proposed, after the comple- 
tion of his mission, to go with the Taovayas on a cam- 
paign against the Osage, selling in Louisiana, if per- 
mitted, the captives he might secure. With him was 
associated Sosier, with whom he quarreled. At the 
Cadodacho village he was joined by Layssard, fils aine, 
bound for the Taovayas with a cargo of goods and a flag 
for the chief. Leaving the Cadodacho on January 16, 
they were just a month in reaching the Taovayas. While 
they were there, Sosier was sent back to Natchitoches, 
but returned later, accompanied by Beaudoin, bringing 
a letter from De Meéziéres and another cargo of goods. 

They found the Taovayas in bad humor, complaining 
that De Mézieres had not kept his promise to visit them 
and take them presents, and that their most profitable 
kind of trade with Natchitoches, that in horses, mules, 
and slaves, had been cut off. They prevented Gaignard 
from going on to the Naytane, but the head chief of that 
tribe visited him, accompanied by some four thousand 
warriors, and made atreaty. The Taovayas had found 
a means of repairing the bad effects of the trade restric- 
tions, for while Gaignard was there they were visited 
by two different parties of French traders, without li- 
censes, from the Arkansas, who came to buy horses, 
mules, and slaves. One of the parties took back with 
them fifty-three animals. In view of this situation Gaig- 
nard, who no doubt voiced the opinion of the traders of 
Natchitoches, urged in his report that the trade in these 
forbidden articles again be opened to them, as a means of 
keeping the Indians good natured, and that the Arkansas 


104 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


men be strictly kept out. Another recommendation 
made by him was that Layssard, because of his experi- 
ence with them, be stationed with the Tawakoni, and 
charged with making annual visits to the Taovayas. 

Before returning to Natchitoches, Layssard went 
overland with a convoy to the Tawakoni. At the 
same time, in August, Gaignard returned down the Red 
River, arriving at Natchitoches in November. Lays- 
sard, Beaudoin, and Sosier reached there a few weeks 
later.) 

In January, 1774, Duchesne was reported to be still 
causing trouble among the tribes, and to have gone to 
San Antonio. Perhaps he was the trader mentioned 
by Ripperda as having gone from the ‘Taovayas to San 
Antonio early that year. In February three French- 
men went from San Antonio with a party of twenty 
Spanish soldiers to look for a mine said to be near the 
Taovayas. In the spring of 1774 there was much com- 
plaint of Frenchmen living at San Antonio. Ripperda 
explained that they were either interpreters or artisans 
who had been settled there many years, and in no way 
connected with the Indian trade. At this time “several 
French merchants” were said to be living, with their 
families, among the Tonkawa; and it was stated that 
French traders owed their suppliers more than six hun- 
dred horses, which must be secured from the Indians, 
though contraband. When Ybarbo went in 1774 to 
establish the town of Bucareli on the Trinity he found 
among the Bidai traders from Adaes and Natchitoches. 
Soon afterward La Mathe, who later became a “mag- 
nate,” began to frequent the place. Besides these trad- 
ers, who appear to have been licensed in Louisiana, sev- 
eral contraband traders were reported in 1774 as operat- 


130 J. Gaignard, Journal tenus exat, 1773-1774. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 105 


ing on the coast. Among them we learn of Clermont, 
Boisdoré, Bontiéres, and Juan Hamilton.™ 

The evils of the administration of the two adjacent 
provinces from different centers had long before this 
become apparent. Foreseeing, no doubt, the disadvan- 
tages of making the new allies dependent alone on Louis- 
iana for supplies and presents, and perhaps seeing an 
opportunity to give Texas the advantage of a welcome 
Indian trade, Ripperda early in 1772 urged that supplies 
and presents be furnished the new allies from Texas. 
Writing to the viceroy April 28, he said: 


‘The manifest advantages of the peace which we are happily 
securing with the different barbarian nations of this north can- 
not be secured without supplying them with annual presents and 
affording them trade in guns and in ammunition as well. For, 
as they are now accustomed to the presents which in Louisiana 
were annually given to the friendly nations in the king’s name 
and even now continue to be given at least to the faithful Cado- 
dacho, and to trading their peltry for guns, ammunition, breech- 
cloths, hunting knives, beads, and other things which they prize, 
they despise friends who do not afford this trade, it being more 
to their interest to make war upon us, for, in exchange for the 
horses which they steal, they secure whatever they desire from 
the French, and failing to get it there, they will obtain it easily, 
and with greater injury to us, from the English. 


Proceeding on this assumption, and while waiting for 
instructions and a decision regarding his proposal for a 
presidio among the northern tribes, Ripperda sent pres- 
ents to the chiefs of five of the northern nations, who had 
been at San Antonio with De Meézieres. For this pur- 
pose he despatched a squad of five soldiers from Los 
Adaes, escorted by the Frenchman named Jantillome, 


131 Villiers to Unzaga y Amezaga, Jan. 27, 1774; Ripperda to the viceroy, 
June 28, 1774; Medina to O’Conor, March 8, 1774; Ripperda to the viceroy, 
June 28, 1774; Menchaca to O’Conor, March 9, 1774. Bolton, “Spanish Aban- 
donment and Reoccupation of East Texas,” 119-123. 


106 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


from Natchitoches, with two mule cargoes of goods, 
worth two hundred fifty dollars. They returned in 
September, and in October another embassy was sent 
north from San Antonio to conciliate the tribes. 

On the other hand, while firmly supporting the treat- 
ies and asserting their usefulness as a means of protecting 
Texas, Ripperda protested mildly against the invasion 
of Texas by French traders. Upon the receipt of Father 
Abad’s report of their activities among the Tawakoni, 
he reported the matter to the viceroy, debated with the 
missionary fathers the plan of sending Father Abad 
to New Orleans to remonstrate, and complained to Un- 
zaga by letter. In a communication of September 8, 
he stated that in his opinion the trade of the French 
should be confined to the Cadodacho, for so he had un- 
derstood O’Reilly’s order, and that it seemed strange 
that the traders “should go beyond this, reaching out 
now as never before to the nations who live in this proy- 
ince, whence the goods pass to the hands of the Apache, 
with manifest injury to the frontiers of this kingdom.” 
However, in a fair-minded way which was characteris- 
tic of the man, he confessed imperfect knowledge of the 
laws of Louisiana, and as to what trade was legal from 
that side. Unzaga replied that the trade complained 
of was perfectly legitimate, ‘‘and that if any abuse had 
crept in” he “would have suppressed it.” ‘Thereupon 
Ripperda subsided.**” 


132 Ripperda to the viceroy, April 28, 1772, Sept. 8, 1772, Oct. 26, 1772, 
Dec. 3, 1772; Ripperda to Unzaga y Amezaga, Sept. 8, 1772, and Feb. 2, 1773. 
According to Ripperda, Unzaga replied “that the commerce of that province 
is with the Indians of the tribes of his district, whose limits [el que] are not 
yet determined above where the Texas live, he having prohibited the rest; that 
if there were any abuse he would suppress it, for which he had given the 
proper orders; that the savages are wanderers, one tribe supplying another and 
the English all of them; in consequence of which he is of the opinion that 
these are the sellers, rather than the French depending on the fort of Natchi- 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 107 


Ripperda’s proposal to open trade in Texas with the 
northern tribes and to furnish them presents of arms and 
ammunition met a scathing criticism in Mexico, where 
the authorities stood firmly by the time honored Indian 
policy of New Spain, regardless of the conflicting sys- 
tem in vogue in Louisiana. Areche, the royal fiscal, 
writing on July 31, 1772, maintained that to furnish arms 
to the tribes was contrary to principle, that it would 
make them dangerous (seeming to forget that they 
_ would get them from Louisiana anyway), and that they 
might better be provided with agricultural implements. 
Proceeding on this advice, the viceroy forbade Rip- 
perda to give presents to the new allies or to open com- 
merce with them; and to repeated requests and repeated 
reports that his orders were not being observed, he oft 
reiterated the command.” 

It was during this interval that the general attack was 
made on De Méziéres and his work among the tribes, 
and upon Ripperda for his support of the Frenchman. 
The charge was led by Hugo O’Conor, then in Texas as 
inspector comandante and engaged in reforming the 
line of frontier defences. ‘To his support he called Cap- 
tain Menchaca and Fathers Santa Maria and Abad, 
while at the same time the tongue of calumny wagged at 
Natchitoches, Pefia being followed by Gaignard. The 
complaints made in Texas against De Mézieéres were, as 
has been intimated, that the treaties which he had made 
with the Nations of the North were deceitful and pre- 
tended [ dolosa y fingida | ; that these tribes were still hos- 


toches.” Ripperda went on to add: ‘What is certain is that the weapons which 
the Apache possess are all of French make, and that they have acquired them 
through the Vidais, who live within and almost in the center of this province” 
[Ripperda to the viceroy, Dec. 3, 1772. Historia, vol. 51, f. 67]. 

133 Areche to the viceroy, July 31, 1772; the viceroy to Ripperda, Dec. 9, 
1772, Jan. 6, 1773, May 8, and May 26, 1774. 


108 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


tile to the Spaniards; that the French traders, of whom 
De Méziéres was said to be the chief, profited by trade 
in the very horses which the nations could now steal from 
the Spaniards when they entered the settlements under 
the guise of friendship; that the French were conducting 
“excessive” trade among the friendly tribes, were carry- 
ing on contraband trade in the Spanish settlements, and 
were freely employed by Ripperda as messengers to De 
Mézieres.*** Pefia added his portion of complaint, and 
Gaignard reported that the treaty which De Méziéres 
had made with the Taovayas was ineffectual because he 
had broken his promise. 

Ripperda made a straightforward and vigorous de- 
fense of his own policy and of De Mézieéres, but the vice- 
roy listened to the charges, which were presented 
through the influential O’Conor, and on May 8, 1774, 
ordered Ripperda not only not to observe under exist- 
ing conditions the treaties with the Indians, but also 
‘absolutely to cut off communication with the governor 
of Natchitoches and all the rest of the Frenchmen,” 
not permitting them in that presidio under any circum- 
stances.” The order was repeated on July 26, 1775. 
{t could not have been intended to expel the French 
traders from the Nations of the North, but merely to 
keep them from the Spanish settlements and to cut off 
Ripperda’s communication with De Meézieres. 

During the succeeding years some additional light is 
thrown upon the operations of the French traders in 
Texas. In August, 1775, Bormé, captain of the militia, 
was living at the Hainai village as trader. Luis de 
Quindse had just been sent by De Mézieres to the Tawa- 
koni, charged “with the trade, diplomacy and inspec- 
tion” of the tribe. Associated with him in the trade of 


134 Expediente sobre la dolosa paz. 
135 Bucareli to Ripperda, May 8, 1774 and July 26, 1775. Ms. in the Béxar 
Archives. B. A. Miscellaneous, 1742-1793. 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 109 


this tribe and the Kichai was Marrafret Layssard, and 
between them they had two employes named Juan Bos- 
quet and Miguel Pichet living with the Tawakoni. At 
the same time Baptiste Layssard and Nicholas Chef, the 
latter an employe of Morvant, were trading among the 
Tawakoni and Kichai.’** Writing in April, 1777, Rip- 
perda stated of the Bidai and Arkokisa tribes that trad- 
ers from Natchitoches “frequent these nations just as 
they do the northern Indians of our frontier,” and that 
they had been a means of keeping out the English, “who 
were already beginning to introduce themselves among 
these nations by way of the coast, giving presents to the 
chiefs and selling to the rest arms, ammunition, and 
other objects of Indian trade so cheaply that they al- 
ready show preference for them over the traders of 
Natchitoches.”” In June of the same year he requested 
of Bernardo de Galvez that De Meézieéres be instructed 
to continue to watch over the conduct of the traders 
among the Nations of the North, taking care that they 
should not sell goods to the Comanche, who were still 
hostile. In 1778 De Mézieres wrote that 

In each of these villages, not including the Comanche coun- 

try, there resides a Spanish merchant of Natchitoches, well versed 

in writing, skilled in the language of the Indians with whom he 

deals, acceptable to them, and the ablest obtainable to inculcate 

in them the love and respect which it is desired they should have 

for us. It is his duty to watch over their conduct, maintain the 

general union, and report without delay anything of interest to 

the service of his Majesty and to the peace of his subjects.1** 
These data make it clear that after the Louisiana ces- 
sion the Nations of the North continued to be controlled 


136 Investigation by De Méziéres of the death of two Tawakoni Indians, Aug., 


1775- 

137 Ripperda to Croix, April 27, 1777; Ripperda to Bernardo de Galvez, 
June 8, 1777; De Méziéres to Croix, Feb. 20, 1778. In 1779 it is stated that M. 
Roujot is unable to pay his debts, in part because the European war has made 
furs worthless [De Méziéres to Bernardo de Galvez, May 24, 1779]. 


110 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


mainly from Natchitoches and mainly through French 
traders, while the latter gained freer access than ever 
to the tribes of eastern ‘Texas. 

The coming of Croix to the frontier in 1777 as com- 
mandant-general was taken advantage of by Ripperda 
to make another attempt to make these traders respon- 
sible to himself, he arguing particularly that it would 
facilitate the restoration of apostates to the missions. 
Croix agreed that the request was just, and even de- 
clared himself opposed to the trade in firearms with 
the northern tribes as bad in principle. But being more 
interested at the time in his plans to destroy the Apach- 
eria, and fearing that “any measure taken against the 
traders of Louisiana might be disastrous,” by either 
causing a revolt or driving the tribes to the English, 
he declined for the time being to interfere.” 

REORGANIZATION OF THE PROVINCIAS INTERNAS; 
Croix’s Plans. Affairs had now so shaped themselves 
that De Méziéres was again called to Texas and into 
even greater prominence in the direction of the affairs 
of the northeastern frontier of New Spain. In 1776 
the Interior Provinces [ Provincias Internas | were reor- 
ganized and, put under a commandant-general, prac- 
tically independent of the viceroy, with his capital at 
Chihuahua. The first commandant-general, Don Theo- 
doro de Croix, or El Cavallero de Croix, as he styled 
himself, found that the most serious task awaiting his 
attention was to check the Indian hostilities of the fron- 
tier, particularly those of the Apache, and with a vigor 
and intelligence somewhat new to the northern provy- 
inces he set himself about accomplishing it. It is indica- 
tive of the importance of that frontier that he began 
with the northeast. 


138 Ripperda to Croix, Oct. 28, 1777; Croix to Joseph de Galvez, Sept. 23, 
1778. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION III 


Croix had his plans outlined even before he left Mex- 
ico, and they were linked with his friendship for Don 
Bernardo de Galvez, the brilliant young soldier who 
had recently taken charge of the province of Louisiana. 
The essence of his plan was to unite the Nations of the 
North and three hundred or four hundred cazadores, or 
hunters, of Louisiana, commanded by Galvez, with the 
soldiery of the Interior Provinces, commanded by him- 
self, in a joint campaign against the eastern Apache. 
It is seen at a glance that this is only a repetition of the 
proposal made by Ripperda in 1772, which probably 
originated with De Mézieres. In addition Croix asked 
for two thousand more troops for the Interior Prov- 
inces.”” 

Notwithstanding the fact that Croix’s plans were 
already formed, to secure their approval or modifica- 
tion by the frontier officers and to consider measures 
adapted to carrying them out, he in person held a junta 
de guerra {council of war] at Monclova in December, 
1777, one at San Antonio de Béxar on January 5, 1778, 
and several at Chihuahua in June, 1778. In each of 
these meetings he presented for discussion and informa- 
tion sixteen points, or questions, regarding the Apache 
tribes, on the one hand, and the Nations of the North, 
on the other hand, their divisions, habitat, fighting 
strength, and depredations; the feasibility of making 
an offensive alliance with the Apache against the other 
group, or vice versa, and the best means of effecting such 
an alliance and of conducting such a war. 

DE MEZIERES CALLED TO TEXAS, 1778 ; HIS REPORT ON 
the Apache campaign. The junta held at Monclova 
favored the second alternative, and it was recommended 


139 Croix to Bernardo de Galvez, Sept. 10, 1778; Joseph de Galvez to Croix, 
Jan. 20, 1778. 


112 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


that an offensive union should be made with the Na- 
tions of the North, for the purpose of undertaking a war 
of extermination upon the Apache de Oriente-—that is, 
upon the Lipan, the Natagés, and the Mescalero — who 
were represented as the perpetual scourge of the prov- 
inces of Coahuila, Texas, and Nuevo Santander. The 
details of effecting the alliance and of utilizing the 
allies were referred to the junta to be assembled at San 
Antonio. And now the skill of De Méziéres received 
new recognition, for the chief recommendation of this 
body when it met was that he should again be called to 
Texas, still further to cultivate the friendship of the 
Nations of the North and to report a plan for employing 
them in the proposed campaign. Croix acted upon this 
recommendation, and within two months De Mézieres 
had reached San Antonio and had prepared a plan for 
the desired war on the Apache.” 

His report, which is mainly an elaboration of the plan 
of the juntas, bears the date of February 20, 1778. It 
begins with a classification of the Nations of the North, 
a description of each class, their interrelations, and the 
policy that should be pursued with respect toeach. ‘This 
is followed by a detailed discussion of a plan for the pro- 
jected campaign. The essence of the plan was to assem- 
ble at the Taovayas villages one thousand Indian allies 
and unite them near the Colorado River with three hun- 
dred troops from Louisiana and the Interior Provinces. 
Here they were to be divided into two corps, one going 
by way of the old San Saba settlement to the lower Pecos 


149 Reports of the juntas held at Monclova and Béxar. Bancroft (North 
Mexican States, vol. i, 631) says that De Méziéres was present at this junta at 
Croix’s order, but the list of members of the junta does not include him, nor 
have I seen any other evidence that he was present. Indeed, the report seems 
to show clearly that he was not. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 113 


to drive the Lipan southward, the second going by way 
of FE] Cafion and the Presidio of the Rio Grande, or to 
Monclova, to attack the enemy as they fled. To stimu- 
late the interest of the allies, prevent the torture of their 
captives, and, at the same time, to replenish the missions 
with neophytes, De Méziéres recommended, as he had 
done in 1772, that a fixed price be arranged at which the 
missions might purchase all the captives taken. Besides 
the knowledge given of the Indians and of the proposed 
campaign, the document throws a great deal of light on 
Spanish Indian policy and the methods of frontier war- 
fare of the day. Throughout the report De Mézieres, 
with nice diplomacy, refers to the French traders of 
Louisiana as Spaniards. 

THE EXPEDITION OF 1778 TO THE UPPER BRAZOS AND 
the Red Rivers. While further consideration was being 
given to the plan for a campaign against the Apache — 
which was opposed by the king, and was not carried 
out in the form planned — De Méziéres was sent by Rip- 
perda on another mission to the Tonkawa and the Wich- 
ita tribes, an enterprise which took him clear to the 
upper Red River.’ Setting out from San Antonio ear- 
ly in March, 1778, he arrived on the ninth at the new 
settlement of Bucareli, on the Trinity, at the crossing 
of the San Antonio Road, or Camino Real. Here he 
was joined by Captain Gil Ybarbo, with thirteen mili- 
tiamen and Father Francisco de la Garza, all of Bu- 
careli. Proceeding northward eighteen leagues, he en- 
tered a detached village of the Kichai, going thence 
fifteen leagues west to the Tonkawa settlement, which 
he found at a place called La Tortuga, or the Turtle. 


141 De Méziéres to the viceroy, Feb. 20, 1778. 
142 Reports of the expedition by De Méziéres to Croix, passim. 


114 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


From here he continued sixteen leagues farther west- 
ward to the first Tawakoni village, evidently the one 
near Waco, which he had visited six years before, and 
which he later called the village of El Quiscat. Eight 
leagues farther up the Brazos he found a larger village 
of the Tawakoni, which he now calls Chief Post [ Pues- 
to Mayor] of the Tuacana, and which he designated a 
year later as the village of El Flechazo. At this point 
Gil Ybarbo and Father Garza returned to Bucareli; 
but De Méziéres continued northward, following the 
western edge of the Cross Timbers to the Red River, 
where he found the Taovayas living in two large villages 
on opposite sides of the stream. ‘The point seems to 
have been not far from the present town of Ringgold. 
To these villages De Méziéres gave the names San 
Theodoro and San Bernardo, in honor of Theodoro de 
Croix, commandant-general of the Provincias Internas 
and Bernardo de Galvez, governor of Louisiana. After 
a few days’ stay among the Taovayas, he returned to 
Bucareli, where he arrived on the second of May. 

The sixteen letters or reports which De Mézieres de- 
spatched to the commandant-general from different 
points of the route, collectively known as the “Diez- 
iseis Cartas de Demezieres,” constitute an invaluable 
source for the period, and illustrate De Mézieres’s great 
industry and his careful habits of observation. While 
at Bucareli he gave advice concerning the management 
of the Karankawan tribes of the coast, and wrote a long 
exhortation that the weak but potentially important set- 
tlement of Bucareli be encouraged, pleading especially 
that it be allowed free commerce with Louisiana by way 
of the Trinity River. During his stay among the Ton- 
kawa and the Tawakoni he used his influence to induce 
or require the former tribe to give up its vagabond life 
and settle down in a permanent village, and, with the aid 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 115 


of Father Garza and Gil Ybarbo, he effected the return 
of a part of the apostate Xaraname to their mission at 
Espiritu Santo, from which they had been absent so 
many years. 

From the Taovayas villages he wrote six letters in a 
single day, each dealing with a distinct matter. The 
most important news which he had to write from here 
concerned the English, for he learned that only the fall 
before Englishmen had made their appearance — the 
first, he said — at the villages, with the purpose of carry- 
ing on trade. In view of this long apprehended and 
now realized danger, of the wishes of the Indians, and 
of the advantages of the site as a base of communication 
with New Mexico, Illinois, and Louisiana, he recom- 
mended the establishment there of a settlement of Span- 
iards and Tlascaltecans.***° Other important news con- 
cerned the Panis-mahas, or Ovaes. Shortly before his 
visit, apparently in 1772 or 1773, a part of this tribe had 
come south and settled temporarily with the Taovayas, 
but had since moved further up the Red River. From 
one of the chiefs of the Panis-mahas De Méziéres now 
secured a promise to return down the river half way to 
the Cadodacho, and to form there a permanent village. 
It will be noted that on his way to the Taovayas De 
Méziéres had decided on either the Brazos or the San 
Xavier as the proper place for such a settlement; that 


148 The Tlascaltecans occupy an interesting position in the history of the 
colonization of New Spain. After their first struggle with Cortés they assisted 
him in the capture of the City of Mexico, and thenceforth remained faithful 
allies of the Spaniards. Consequently they were made use of as a means of 
holding in check and civilizing successively conquered provinces. Thus we 
find them sent to form nuclei of the settlements of San Luis Potosi, Saltillo, 
Monterrey, and at San Juan Bautista on the Rio Grande. It was planned in 
1757 to found a settlement composed partly of Tlascaltecans among the Arko- 
kisa on the lower Trinity, and we here see De Méziéres proposing to establish 
them on the Red River. In this respect the Tlascaltecans occupied a position 
similar to that of the Tarascans. 


116 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


the plan of an interior cordon, which had been so prom- 
inent in 1772 had now dropped out of sight; and that 
in its place the occupation of the T'aovayas country was 
recommended. 

Some distance up the Red River above the Taovayas 
the Comanche were living at this time. Apparently 
not sure of his reception should he go to them in person, 
De Mézieres sent them a threatening message, warning 
them to cease their depredations and to make reparation 
for those of the recent past. On his return to Bucareli 
he took with him the two brass cannon which Parrilla 
had left behind in 1759. 

From Bucareli De Mézieres returned to Louisiana, 
where he maintained his relations with the Nations of 
the North, and whence he continued to correspond with 
the commandant-general. One of his letters, dated at 
Natchitoches, November 15, 1778, consists of an inter- 
esting discussion of the war in the English colonies and 
of the relations of the English and the Americans with 
Louisiana. He tells of the attempts of the colonists to 
establish settlements and trade on the Mississippi, of the 
embargo placed on this commerce by the new governor, 
Bernardo de Galvez, of the attack of ““Wilum” [ Will- 
ing] upon the English settlements, of the English im- 
migration into Louisiana, and of Galvez’s great skill 
and wisdom in dealing with both of the opposing Eng- 
lish parties and with his own subjects. 

THE EXPEDITION OF 1779; DE MEZIERES TRANSFERRED 
to Texas. The juntas de guerra held at Chihuahua in 
June approved De Meézieres’s plan for a campaign 
against the Apache, but concluded that before it could 
be undertaken more troops must be provided.“* How- 
ever, the services of De Méziéres could not be dispensed 


144 Report of the junta at Chihuahua. Ms. in the Archivo General y Publico, 
Mexico. Copy in B. Mss. 


one |} HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 117 


with at the danger point. It was recommended, there- 
fore, that, in the meantime, the governor of Louisiana 
should be requested to allow De Meéziéres to take up 
his residence permanently in Texas, for the especial 
purpose of going among the Nations of the North, to 
maintain and strengthen peace with those already 
friendly, and to try to secure the good will of the still 
hostile Comanche. It would seem that this permanent 
transfer of De Méziéres signalized an attempt to trans- 
fer the center of control of the Nations of the North 
from Louisiana to Texas, according to the demand 
which had been made by Ripperda. It was enjoined, 
besides, that the project of a campaign should be kept 
secret, and that difficulty with the Lipan should be 
avoided until the time should arrive for striking the 
blow. 

For some reason or other this advice was not acted 
upon till September 10, by which time Croix had re- 
ceived the king’s order of January 20, stating that the 
decision in regard to more troops must be deferred and 
that Galvez must not be spared from his province at 
that critical time (the eve of Spain’s entry into the 
American war). On the date named, accordingly, Croix 
wrote to Galvez asking that De Méziéres be spared, 
and to De Mézieres ordering him to return at once to 
San Antonio to relieve Ripperda, by acting as governor 
ad interim till Cabello should arrive, and await a prob- 
able advancement of permanent character. Cabello ar- 
rived and took possession of the government of Texas in 
October, however, and De Mézieéres, instead of going 
direct to San Antonio, planned another expedition 
among the Nations of the North, preparing for which 
he was in New Orleans in March, 1779.** 


145 Croix to De Méziéres, Sept. 10, 1778; Croix to Bernardo de Galvez, 
Sept. 10, 1778. Cabello arrived at San Antonio soon after these letters were 


118 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


Among the more specific of the varied objects of this 
expedition, as stated, were these: to proclaim the good 
will of the commandant-general and of Cabello, the 
new governor of Texas; to distribute presents among 
the tribes; to prevent a threatened rupture between the 
Tonkawa and Tawakoni, as well as to prevent one be- 
tween these tribes and the Comanche; to recover some 
apostate Xaraname who had fled again from their mis- 
sion, or who perhaps had never returned to it; and to try 
again to induce the Tonkawa to settle in a permanent 
village. 

Because of the heavy spring freshets, De Mézieres 
was unable to leave Natchitoches until May 24. Set- 
ting out on that day with twenty-seven militiamen and 
sixteen “passengers” —the number indicates the con- 
siderable extent of peaceful communication between 
the provinces in spite of the viceroy’s orders of 1774 
and 1775—he passed through the deserted site of Los 
Adaes and the village of the Ais, then on the Sabine. 
Hurrying from here to answer an appeal for aid against 
the Indians made by Gil Ybarbo, who had just moved 
his village of Bucareli from the Trinity to the aban- 
doned site of the Nacogdoches mission, he sustained at 
the Atoyaque River a severe fall from his horse, which 
occasioned a three months’ delay and finally caused his 
death. Leaving his troops at the Atoyaque, he was car- 
ried on a stretcher back to his home in Natchitoches, and 
was not ready to continue his march from the Atoyaque, 
where he had left his men in camp, till the twenty-first 
of August. 

His reports made on the way, after his march was 


written. On October 29 he was at the mission of San Joseph waiting to take 
possession of his office, “Para verificar mi ingreso,” apparently having arrived 
that day. Letters of Cabello to the Cabildo, Oct. 29, 1778, and to Croix, Nov. 
4, 1778, Béxar Archives, Province of Texas, 1777-1778. 


one | HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 119 


resumed, are not inferior in interest or value to those of 
his previous expeditions. At Nacogdoches he com- 
mented on the remains of the old mission and the feeble 
settlement just planted there, and condemned the aban- 
donment of Bucareli. Following the Camino Real 
from Nacogdoches, he went through the village of the 
“Texas” or Hainai, on the Angelina, noted in passing 
the remarkable Indian mounds east of the Neches River, 
and entered, on the other side, the village of San Pedro 
de los Nabedachos, then already historic as the site of the 
first mission in Texas, founded nearly ninety years be- 
fore. Leaving the highway at Bucareli, he passed to the 
Kichai village on the Trinity, and from there followed 
the route of the year before to the Tawakoni village of 
EI] Quiscat on the Brazos. 

Here he had a love-feast with El Mocho, the hated 
Apache who was now the head chief of the Tonkawa, 
and whose murder, at the hands of his rivals, De Mé- 
zieres himself had only recently plotted, as he disingen- 
uously tells us in his letter written on the spot. On the 
thirteenth of September there was held a ceremonious 
assembly of the Tonkawa and Tawakoni, in which De 
Méziéres discussed the various questions at issue, and 
invited the two tribes to come to San Antonio, bringing 
their allies, to see the new governor. 

After distributing liberal presents, De Mézieres set 
out for San Antonio, accompanied by El Mocho and 
seventy-five Tonkawa and apostate Xaraname. On the 
way he wrote enthusiastic and highly interesting de- 
scriptions of the natural beauties and the advantages for 
settlement of the San Xavier [the San Gabriel], the 
Colorado, the San Marcos, and the Guadalupe Rivers, 
and of the country adjacent to them. Near the end of 


120 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


September he arrived at San Antonio and reported to 
the governor for duty.™ 

LAST SERVICES, PROMOTION, AND DEATH. But De Mé- 
ziéres’s long career of service was nearly over, though 
of this fact he apparently had as yet no premonition, and 
though he still had time to tell the Spaniards more about 
their own province and to instruct them in its manage- 
ment. Ina letter of October 7 to Croix he outlined and 
recommended a plan for the destruction of the feared 
and hated Karankawa race, by means of a combined 
attack of land forces from Texas and of a fleet of barges 
from New Orleans. His advice was, in summary, that 
every man of the tribe who should resist should be put 
to death, and that the rest should be banished “to lands 
where they may lose the thought of returning to their 
perverse customs, and where they may serve God if they 
wish, and the state whether they will or not.” 

Another letter of the same date, though not precisely 
his last, might well be considered his valedictory. It 
was at once a just valuation of New Spain’s fairest prov- 
ince, a bold condemnation of its gross neglect, a predic- 
tion of its loss to the aggressive English unless reform 
should be made, and an appeal for reform through re- 
moving from the province the mill-stone of commercial 
restriction."** After the death of De Meéziéres, these 
proposals were heartily advocated by the local authori- 
ties and were long and seriously considered by the vice- 
regal government, but, unfortunately for the prosperity 
of the province which they concerned, they were never 
put generally into effect. 

When he had reached the Kichai village, De Méziéres 


146 Reports of the expedition by De Méziéres to Croix, passim. 
147 De Méziéres to Croix, Oct. 7, 1779, no. 14. 
148 De Meéziéres to Croix, Oct. 7, 1779, no. 13. 


one] HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 121 


had received a letter from the king of Spain thanking 
him for his distinguished services among the tribes in 
1778, and upon arrival at San Antonio he had learned 
that, upon the king’s enquiry, he had been recommend- 
ed by the governor of Louisiana for promotion to the 
rank of colonel. A few days later he was informed, 
much to his surprise, that he had been appointed gov- 
ernor of Texas in place of Cabello, about to be promoted 
to another berth. With extreme candor and winning 
modesty he pleaded, in a letter of October 13, his ignor- 
ance of any law but common sense, ‘which has no value 
among the cavilous,” the difficulty of the position for 
him because of his previous relations with the Apache, 
his poverty, his feeble health since his accident at the 
Atoyaque in the preceding May, and his desire to return 
to Louisiana to serve her in her time of danger from the 
adventurous English. Nevertheless he promised, in 
case Croix should insist, to do his best, and asked that in 
that event arrangements should be made for moving his 
family from Natchitoches to San Antonio."* 

But he never entered upon his new office; for, a short 
time after writing this letter, November 2, 1779, he died, 
at San Antonio, from the effects of his accident. His 
last communication to Croix was a short note, written 
in his mother tongue — for he was too feeble now to write 
Spanish — tenderly commending his children to Croix’s 
protection. 


They are in want, and [ leave them only debts which my 
journeys of last year and this have compelled me to contract. I 
die confident of your Lordship’s protection of my family. This 
is my consolation.’*° 


De Méziéres was buried the day after his death at 


149 De Méziéres to Croix, Oct. 13, 1779. 
150 Undated letter of De Méziéres to Croix. 


122 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES 


the parish church of the Villa of San Fernando by the 
curate Pedro Fuentes y Fernandez.*” 
HERBERT EF. BOLTON. 


151 Libro de Entierros de la Yglesia Parroqutal de la Villa de San Fernando 
y Presidio de San Antonio de Béjar. Partida no. 704. For the copy of this 
item I am indebted to Miss Adina de Zavala, of San Antonio, to whom I here- 
by make my acknowledgments. 


SOURCES OF THE MANUSCRIPTS 


All of the documents published in this work are from 
hitherto unpublished manuscripts, so far as the editor 
isinformed. ‘The larger portion of them are from orig- 
inal manuscripts preserved in the archives of Mexico 
and Spain. A number of pieces, however, are from the 
Bancroft Collection, at the University of California, 
while a few are from the British Museum, the Béxar 
Archives at the University of Texas, and the episcopal 
archives at San Antonio, Texas. Other manuscripts 
used in writing the Introduction and the editorial notes 
were obtained from the Archives du Ministére des Col- 
onies, at Paris, and from the local records of Natchi- 
toches, Louisiana. With the exception of the originals 
in the Bancroft Collection, transcripts of all the docu- 
ments included here are either in the editor’s personal 
collection or in the Bancroft Library. 

The general nature of the principal collections from 
which the manuscripts have been drawn will be given 
here; the specific source of each document is indicated 
under its individual title. In many cases two or more 
manuscripts for a single document are known. In such 
cases the different versions are indicated, that from 
which the translation was made being given first. 

The following are the principal groups of documents 
drawn upon, with their designations for reference pur- 
poses. ‘These citations have been made as brief as pos- 
sible. 


124 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


Mexico. Archivo General y Publico, Seccién de Provincias Internas, 

vol. 100. Cited as Prov. Int., vol. 100. 

This volume is entitled Texas, Correspondencia con su Governador, 
Baron de Riperda. 1770 & 1773. The expediente from which the docu- 
ments here published are drawn is entitled Relazién que de ofizio hazé 
el thente Gover de Natchitoches al Capp” Gral de la Luisiana, sobre el 
viaxe que por Orn. de su SS% hiz6 & Cadodachos p*% trattar con las 
naciones enemig’ cuyos capitanes concurrieron en ese Pueblo. These 
documents consist of an official transcript of the De Méziéres report of 
the conference at Cadodachos, together with original diligencias executed 
at Los Adaes by Lieutenant José Gonzalez with reference to the same 
matter, and other related papers. 

Archivo General y Publico, Seccién de Provincias Internas, 
vol. 182. Cited as Prov. Int., vol. 182. 

Expediente number one of this volume, from which the documents 
here published are taken, is entitled Expediente Sobre Comercio Re- 
ciproco entre las Prov4s de la Luisiana y Texas: havilitacion de un Puerte 
en la costa de esta: ampliacién de limites de la primera estendiendolos 
hasta el Rio de Sabinas y otros puntos incidentes. It consists of original 
correspondence covering the period 1776-1790, and includes official copies 
of several of De Méziéres’s reports of his expeditions. 

Archivo General y Publico, Seccién de Provincias Internas, 
vol. 20. Cited as Prov. [nt., vol. 20. 

The documents used are from the group entitled Expediente sobre 
proposiciones del Governador de Texas Baron de Ripperda para ereccion 
de un nuevo Presidio, y emprehender una cruda guerra contra los Apaches 
Lipanes, haciendo alianza con las Naciones del Norte. Marked N. 
gi de los entregad® al Cavt® de Croix. This would indicate that the 
expediente was sent to Chihuahua and subsequently returned to the ar- 
chive of the Secretaria del Vireynato at Mexico. The documents are 
originals. 

Archivo General y Publico, Seccién de Historia, vol. 51. Cited 

as Historia, vol. 51. 

The title of the volume is Texas, Varios Asuntos de esta Provincia, 
1780 a 1807. The documents here used or cited are in expediente no. 1, 
entitled Expediente sobre propossiciones del Governador de Texas Baron 
de Ripperda, para ereccién de un Nuevo Presidio, etc., being a copy 
(though not identical) of the expediente cited above in Provincias In- 
ternas, vol. 20. This copy is marked Num. 24 de las copias del pe. 

[ padre| Talamantes. 

—— Archivo General y Publico, Seccién de Historia, vol. 93. Cited 

as Historia, vol. 93. 

The documents here used are from the group entitled Expediente 
sobre la dolosa y fingida paz de las Naciones del Norte: y comercio 











one | | SOURCES OF MANUSCRIPTS 125 





ilicito de los Franceses de la Nueba Orleans. ‘They are official copies, 
and the expediente bears the mark: No. 217.39 No. ¢¢4 de los entregad® 

al Cav’ de Croix. 

Archivo General y Publico, Secciédn de Historia, vol. 28. Cited 
as Historia, vol. 28. 

This volume, entitled Documentos para la Historia Eclesidstica y Civil 
de Texas, Libro Segundo, is volume 28 of the Memorias de Nueva Es- 
pana compiled by Fray Francisco Garcia Figueroa, at the order of the 
king, in 1792. ‘The documents contained in the volume are as a rule not 
well made, but it contains several De Méziéres documents which I have 
not been able to find elsewhere, and has consequently been drawn upon. 
It is clear that the copyist had access to the archive of the comandancia 
general at Chihuahua, whose whereabouts is now unknown. 


SEVILLE. Archivo General de Indias, Papeles Procedentes de la Isla 
de Cuba. Cited here as “Pap. Proc. de Cuba,” with the addition 


of the /egajo [bundle] and the number of the document. 

These papers are a collection of 2375 /egajos, or bundles, of docu- 
ments which were sent from the archives of Havana to Spain in 1888. 
They are especially rich for the history of Louisiana after 1766, since 
they contain the official correspondence of the governors at New Orleans 
with the local authorities during the whole Spanish period. The groups 
which have been drawn upon especially for this work are given below. 
The /egajo numbers given here are those on the papers themselves, as 
filed in the archive. The individual document numbers are those of the 
corresponding calendar slips made by Mr. Roscoe R. Hill in preparing, 
under the direction of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, his forth- 
coming guide to the collection. They are included in the citations as a 
matter of convenience for reference purposes: Legajo 188-1, nos. 1-84; 
legajo 188-2, nos. 85-105a; legajo 188-3, nos. 106-121; /egajo 189-1, nos. 
122-144; legajo 189-2, nos. 144a-144d; legajo 192, nos. 145-179; legajo 
110, nos. 179a-336; legajo 187, nos. 337-357; legajo 566, nos. 392-395; 
legajo 112, nos. 399-444; legajo 81, nos. 445-529; /egajo 174, various num- 
bers; /egajo 1232, nos. 4309-4326; legajo 2357, nos. 161-207; legajo 2358, 
nos. 259-264; legajo 2368, nos. 2034-2037. The bracketed numbers 
standing at the head of individual documents as printed here are the 
serial numbers of the originals, usually found on the margins and with- 
out brackets or parentheses. 

Maprip. Archivo Histdérico-Nacional. Estados Unidos, 1777-5. 
Legajo 3884(a)-legajo 2°. Here cited as “Estados Unidos.”’ 

These papers are described in Shepherd, Guide to the Materials for 
the History of the United States in Spanish Archives, pp. 29-30. ‘The 
group principally drawn upon is that entitled “Sobre si es conveniente 
establecer comunicacién y comercio entre las provincias de la Luistana y 
Tejas.’ While it deals with the matter treated in the expediente in Prov. 
Int., vol. 182, cited above, it is not an exact duplicate. In most cases 





126 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES 


where the documents are identical in the two collections, the one in the 
Mexican archives has been used, on account of better facilities for getting 
accurate copies there. 


The documents drawn from the Bancroft Collection 
are all in the manuscript department, section “Louis- 
iana,” and are here cited as “Bancroft Collection, Louis- 
iana.” They have sometimes been cited as Pinart Mss. 
These documents are mainly original manuscripts once 
forming a part of the collection of ““Papeles Procedentes 
de Cuba,” described above; a few, however, are tran- 
scripts from that collection, made by Pinart. 

From the British Museum there have been used “Ad- 
ditional Mss. 17567, ff. 1-21, Louisiana” and “Addition- 
al Ms. 17574, fo. 2,” both of which are cited in full as 
given here. 

One piece each has been drawn from the Béxar ar- 
chives and the archives of the Diocese of San Antonio, 
Texas. The Béxar Archives, which consist of a part of 
the provincial records which accumulated during the 
Spanish régime at San Antonio, are at the State Uni- 
versity in Austin. The archives of the diocese of San 
Antonio are at the house of the Bishop in that city. 

All of the documents here translated are from the 
Spanish with the exception of the following, which are 
from the French: Documents 2, 3, 4 (enclosure in Span- 
ish), 5, 6,7, 15, 24, 13, 135, 136, 137, 197, 198, 199 (title 
only), 204, 205, 206, 207, 212, 218, 219, 221, 240, 241, 
246, 247, 248, 249. 


I. CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, AND 
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SPANISH 
RULE, 1768-1770 


aU LLOA +52) TO.O' CONOR? 1765 4°¢ 


My DEAR SIR: With a letter from your Lordship 
dated March 1s, I received the copy of the one by Don 
Melchor Afan de Rivera, of the presidio of Orcoquisa, 
and learned from it the news that the nations of Indians 
mentioned had taken arms, and were thought to have 
been incited by Don Manuel de Soto [ Bermudes] and 
some Frenchmen. If this should prove to be true they 
would deserve very severe punishment; but in such cases 


152 Antonio de Ulloa, first Spanish governor of Louisiana, was born in 
Sevilla, January 12, 1716. He came of a family distinguished in maritime 
affairs, and in 1733 entered the navy as midshipman. At the age of nineteen 
he became one of Spain’s representatives on a joint scientific expedition under- 
taken by Spain and France for the purpose of measuring an arc of the meridian 
at the equator. In the investigations, which were made in Peru, Ulloa dis- 
tinguished himself by his mathematical ability, and on his return to Spain 
in 1748 he published an account of the expedition, at royal expense. 

After the accession of Charles III to the throne, Ulloa was made commodore, 
and given command of the fleet of the Indies. On the cession of Louisiana to 
Spain in 1762, he was appointed governor of that province, but did not reach 
there till March 5, 1766. His expulsion from Louisiana, by order of the French 
Superior Council of the province, occurred in October, 1768. 

A member of the Royal Society of London, an associate member of the 
Academies of Berlin and Stockholm, a correspondent of the Academy of Sciences 
of Paris, Ulloa continued his activities in the realm of scholarship by publish- 
ing in 1772 a series of observations on the climate, soil, flora, fauna, and in- 
habitants of South America, under the title: Noticias Americanas, entre- 
tenimientos physico-histéricos sobre la América Meridional y la Septentrional 
Oriental; in 1773 he wrote a work on the naval forces of Europe and Africa, 
and in 1778 published his observations on an eclipse of the sun which occurred 
that year. 

Learned as he was in the theory of navigation, he was not always successful 


128 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





one must proceed with great circumspection and mod- 
eration, in view of the well-known deceitfulness of the 
Indians and of their facility in exculpating themselves 
from their rash deeds by laying the blame on others, as 
is experienced here every day. 

Luis de Sandenis,’” under date of December 31 last, 
reported to me that when he was with the Reverend 
Father Fray Ygnacio Lava *” on his cattle ranch, the In- 


in its practical application. In 1780 he was courtmarshalled for failure to 
intercept an English fleet while cruising near the Azores in the preceding year 
and for his disregard of orders concerning a proposed attack on the Floridas. 
But he was acquitted, and continued to play a prominent part in the direction 
of Spanish naval affairs, being made commander-general of the maritime de- 
partments and minister of the junta general of commerce and of the mint. 
At the age of eighty he died on the Island of Leon, July 3, 1795. [Gayarré, 
History of Louisiana (New Orleans, 1903), vol. ii, 141-150. ] 

153 Hugo O’Conor (he usually wrote his name with an accent on the last 
syllable) went to Texas as ad interim governor in the middle of 1767. Writing 
in 1772, Bonilla says of him: “But Oconor attained the glorious distinction of 
leaving an immortal name in the province. He attested his valor, disinterested 
conduct, and military policy, he preserved peace in the land, and he made him- 
self an object of fear to the savages, who knew him by the name of E] Capitan 
Colorado.” He remained in the province till 1770, when he returned to Mexico 
[Bonilla, op. cit.]. In 1772 he was made inspector comandante of the Interior 
Provinces of New Spain, and thereafter played a leading part in the reorgan- 
ization of the line of frontier presidios in accordance with the order of 1772. 
Later he was prominent in the Indian wars of the northwestern provinces of 
New Spain. 

154 Bancroft Coll., Louisiana. 

155 Luis de St. Denis, son of the noted Luis Juchereau de St. Denis, and 
Manuela Sanchez Navarro. He served in minor capacities at Natchitoches, 
and died there June 10, 1770, “so destitute of all kinds of property that he did 
not leave even enough to provide for his burial, which was generously attended 
to by his nephews, MM de la Chaize and de Blanc” [De Méziéres to Unzaga 
y Amezaga, June 6, 1770, no. 4. Ms. Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 234}. 
Nos. 178 and 179 of legajo 192 of the collection just cited consist of papers 
relating to the sale in 1778-1779 of his father’s estate, which had not yet been 
settled, although the father had died in 1744. 

156 Tn 1763 Fray Ygnacio Laba, a friar of the College of Nuestra Sefiora de 
Guadalupe, of Zacatecas, was at the mission of Los Adaes, and we learn from 
the church records of Natchitoches that on April 9 of that year he gave burial 
to Cesaire de Blanc, commander of the post of Natchitoches, in the absence of 
a curate. During the years 1768-1770, Fray Laba took a prominent part in the 
administration of the mission of Nuestra Senora de la Luz del Orcoquiza, near 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 — 129 


dian Guakan, head chief of the Yatasi nation, came to it 
and told him that the Frenchman named Du Buche, hav- 
ing left Natchitoches to take merchandise to his nation 
and others near them, was arrested and driven back by 
your Lordship at the residence of Bermudes, which is on 
the route one has to take when going to them by land; 
and that, being resentful at this grievance, they assem- 
bled to take vengeance on the presidio which your 
Lordship was commanding, but instead yielded to his 
opinion, he quieting them and persuading them to de- 
sist from their plan, which they did. All this, he says, 
took place in the presence of the religious named. 

These nations have been accustomed for a long time 
past to this sort of trade and commerce, and any attempt 
that may be made to cut it off suddenly will have very 
evil consequences both on those frontiers and in this 
territory, because, on the one hand, they will contrive a 
way to provide themselves by violence and incursions, 
which they regard lightly, and, on the other, they will 
not lack means to go to the English frontiers to get the 
things which are withheld from them here, which, ex- 
perience shows, other nations no less distant than those 
have already done. In view of these considerations, 
the method followed here to keep them peaceful and 
friendly is to give them presents, so that they never once 
come to talk without getting something, and to assure 
them that trade will be kept up in the same way as it has 
been carried on in the past. This method has succeeded 
with the chief Guakan. 

The arrest of a person is impracticable without proof 
of the misdemeanor, and this must be by formal in- 


the mouth of the Trinity. It would seem therefore, from the above document, 
that at the time referred to he was visiting San Denis. The Father Ygnacio 
mentioned in Volume uJ, 15 as being at Nacogdoches in 1772 was apparently 
Father Laba. 


130 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


vestigation [sumaria], without risk of proceeding con- 
trary to the rules of law. And in the case of Soto, which 
your Lordship proposes to me, it is necessary, since this 
person lives in a different jurisdiction, that the sumaria 
come with a requisition for his arrest. 


2. .O’REILLY 7 TO DE MEZIERES 
SEPTEMBER 23, 1769 1°° 


New Orleans, Sept. 23, 1769. 
You will be informed, Sir, by Monsieur Aubry,” 
heretofore your commander, that I took possession and 


157 Alexander O’Reilly was born in Ireland about 1735, and while a young 
man he went to Spain to escape the disabilities imposed in his native land upon 
Catholics. After the war of the Austrian Succession, in which he served with 
distinction in Italy, he enlisted successively in the Austrian and the French 
armies, joining the latter in 1759. His meritorious service under the French 
flag won for him the post of lieutenant-colonel when he returned to Spain. 
After having taken part in the campaign in Portugal against the combined 
Portuguese and English forces, he was made brigadier-general and drilling 
adjutant, in which capacity he instructed the Spanish troops in German tactics. 

With the rank of major-general he was sent to Havana in 1762, after that 
city had been restored to Spain by England. Having reéstablished the forti- 
fications in Cuba, he returned to Spain, where he was made inspector-general 
of the king’s troops, and by the part he played in saving the life of Charles 
III in the Madrid insurrection, he firmly established himself in the good 
graces of that monarch. The expulsion of Ulloa from Louisiana by the “Rev- 
olution of ’68” led to the sending of O’Reilly to New Orleans in 1769, where 
he arrived on August 18. After establishing Spanish rule, O’Reilly returned 
to Spain, early in 1770, leaving Unzaga y Amezaga as governor. 

The failure of the expedition which O’Reilly led against Algiers in 1774 
lessened his prestige in Spain, but did not deprive him of the favor of the king, 
by whom he was later put at the head of a military school and made com- 
mander-general of Andalusia. Forced into retirement by the death of Charles 
III in 1788, he was recalled in 1794 to take charge of the Army of the East 
Pyrennees in the war with France. While on his way to assume command of 
the forces he died. [Gayarré, of. cit., vol. ii, 285-289. ] 

158 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 14. 

159 When D’Abadie, the last French governor of Louisiana, died, in 1765, 
Aubry, then senior captain of the military forces, took command, and acted in 
that capacity until the province was taken over by Spain. He acquired a bad 
reputation with the French colonists of Louisiana by refusing to take part in 
the uprising against Ulloa in 1768, and by assisting in the establishment of 
Spanish rule. [Phelps, Louisiana, 105, 106, 109, I1I-115, 117-123; Gayarré, 
op. cit., passim. | 


Sa 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 131 





command of this province in the name of his Catholic 
Majesty on the eighteenth of last month. In conse- 
quence he orders the commander of Natchitoches and 
his troops to evacuate the post, of which the captain of 
militia will take charge for his Catholic Majesty, and I 
am sending you the order which I addressed to him. 

I know that you are better able than any one else to 
give me correct information regarding everything re- 
lating to your district; therefore you must come to this 
capital as soon as possible. I am writing to the captain 
of militia to codperate with you in making the arrange- 
ments, persuaded that you will indicate to him the wisest 
measures for the tranquility of the post, which you will 
be able to guarantee against all insults. 

I have the honor to be very sincerely, Sir, your very 
humble and very obedient servant. O’REILLY [rubric]. 
M. Athanase Demezieres. 


Accompanying is an ordinance concerning the cer- 
tificates and papers relating to the expenses occasioned 
in the service of his Catholic Majesty, which you will 
have published and posted. 


3. O'REILLY TO DE MEZIERES, JANUARY 22, 1770%°° 


New Orleans, January 22, 1770. 

I will pay, Sir, for the rations given to the Germans, 
Acadians,** and English who were shipwrecked at the 
Bay of Espiritu Santo from the time of their arrival at 
your post up to the end of last year. I hope that it will 
result in a benefit to the colony proportionate to the ex- 


160 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 1881-1, no. 6. 

161 The reference is to a little known or an altogether unknown episode in 
the history of the emigration of the Acadians to Louisiana. In 1769 a party 
of these refugees bound for Louisiana was wrecked off the coast of Texas and 
taken to the presidio of Bahia del Espiritu Santo, now Goliad. After harsh 
treatment had been given some of the leaders, the party was sent overland to 
Natchitoches. For further references to the subject, see Documents 25 and 36. 


132 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


pense which the king incurs for them. I hope for the 
same from the Acadians who have remained at the post 
under your Care. 
I am very truly, Sir, your very humble servant. 
O’REILLY [rubric]. 


4. O’REILLY TO DE MEZIERES, JANUARY 22, 1770 1% 





New Orleans, January 22, 1770. 
You will receive, Sir, the entire amount of the pres- 
ents which you regard necessary for the Indians of our 
environs. I have ordered M. Rancon to furnish them 
to you annually in your post in good condition. He will 
undoubtedly do this, for he is a very honest man, and 
will be paid promptly on delivery. I have even wished 
to render him responsible for the safety and the trans- 
portation of the goods, which is already arranged for. 
I am very truly, Sir, your very humble servant. 
O’REILLY [rubric ]. 


List of the effects which should be given to the three 
Indian nations of the Post of Natchitoches, copied 
from the Instruction’* drawn by the Most Excellent 
Senor Conde de Orreilli, to-wit: 


To THE NATION OF THE GRANDES CADOS, FOR THEIR ANNUAL 


PRESENT 

A hat trimmed with galloons Twenty pounds of powder 
An ornamented shirt Forty pounds of balls 
‘Two fusils One pound of vermillion 
Two blankets of two and one- ‘Two pounds of glass beads 

half points One pound of thread 
Three ells of cloth One ax 
‘Two ordinary shirts ‘Two adzes 
A copper kettle ‘Twenty-four large knives 


162 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 10. Also izbid., no. 29. 
163 Bancroft Coll., Louisiana. It seems probable that this document was 
sent with the above letter. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 = 133 


Forty small knives Two jugs of brandy 

Forty-eight awls Six mirrors 

Forty-eight worm-screws Two pounds of wire 

Two hundred flints One flag 

Twenty-four steels Half a piece of cord 

Forty-eight hawksbells ‘Twenty-five pounds of salt 
Two hundred needles ‘Two hatchets 

Ninety ells of tape One ell of ribbon for the medal 


Ten rolls of tobacco 


To tHE Nacuitos Nation 


One hat with feathers Twelve awls 

One laced shirt Twelve worm-screws 

One staple fusil Fifty flints 

Four pounds of powder Thirty ells of tape 

Eight pounds of fine shot and ‘Two jugs of brandy 
balls ‘Two mirrors 

One pound of vermillion Fifty needles 

One pound of glass beads Six steels 

Half a pound of thread Twelve hawksbells 

Twelve large knives One pound of wire 


Twelve small knives 


To THE NATION OF PEQUENOS CADOS 


One hat with plumes ‘Twenty-four small knives 
One laced shirt Twenty-four awls 
One staple fusil ‘Twenty worm-screws 
One copper kettle One hundred flints 
‘Ten pounds of powder ‘Twelve steels 
Two blankets of two and one- “Twenty-four hawksbells 
half points One hundred needles 
Two ells of cloth Sixty ells of tape 
Two staple shirts Five rolls of tobacco 
Twenty pounds of fine shot and Two jugs of brandy 
balls Four mirrors 
One pound of vermillion One and one-half pounds of wire 
Two pounds of glass beads One flag 
One pound of thread Half a piece of cord 
One ax ‘Twenty-five pounds of salt 
One adz ‘Two hatchets 


Twenty-four large knives One ell of ribbon for the medal 


134 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





To THE YATASSE NATION 


One fusil Twelve small knives 
One blanket of two and one-half Twelve awls 
points ‘Twelve worm-screws 
One ell of cloth Fifty flints 
One shirt Six steels 
One copper kettle Twelve hawksbells 
Six pounds of powder Fifty needles 
Twelve pounds of fine shot and ‘Thirty ells of tape 
balls Five rolls of tobacco 
One pound of vermillion Two jugs of brandy 
Half a pound of thread ‘Two mirrors 
One ax One pound of wire 
One adz Two hatchets 
Twelve large knives Twenty pounds of salt 
[Endorsement] I certify that this is a copy of the 
original JOSEPH DE ORUE [rubric]. 


5. O'REILLY TO DE MEZIERES, JANUARY @2cn7 joe) 


The language which you used, Sir, with the Indian 
chief,’ is quite in conformity with my intentions and 
with everything which I have said to you on the subject. 
These are the sole expressions which the service of the 
king and which the public welfare can dictate to each 
post commander. In this respect I am very well satis- 
fied with the way in which you conduct yourself and 
with the means which you have taken to make known 
the mildness of the government and the clemency of the 
king, and I hope that as a result of your care you will 
experience the happiest results. It will be very agree- 
able to me if my arrival in this province may be made 
memorable by the realization of the advantages which 
ought to result from it to the service of the king and to 
the welfare of his subjects. 


164 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 25. Also zbid., no. 15. 
165 Tt does not appear to what chief reference is made here. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 135 


I approve the two traders whom you propose to estab- 
lish in the village of the Cadauda-kiou and the third 
among the Yatassés, on condition that you answer for 
their zeal, intelligence, and good habits. This will be 
a very effective means of gaining the confidence of these 
nations, spreading among them the untarnished truth, 
and keeping informed of everything that happens; but 
these established traders ought not to prevent any other 
honest men who might desire to do so from going there 
to trade. It is on these conditions that I find the estab- 
lishment of these traders very advantageous to the ser- 
vice. 

I must express to you my satisfaction with your con- 
duct; and I cannot doubt the advantages which will 
result from it to the service. ‘This will be the true 
ground which you furnish me for congratulating my- 
self on having chosen you, and for rendering you other 
services in the future. 

M. Demezieres, Natchitoches. 


6. O'REILLY TO DE MEZIERES, JANUARY 23, 1770 1% 


M. DE MEZIERES, Natchitoches: You will prohibit 
Sir, very expressly, all persons whatsoever, from pur- 
chasing, trading for, or receiving horses or mules from 
the savages or those who trade with them, under penalty 
to the offenders of the loss of such horses and mules, 
which shall be confiscated. One half of the net prod- 
ucts, after deducting the cost of justice, shall go to the 
public treasury, and the other half shall be divided 
between the informant and the judge who makes the 
seizure. Moreover, the offenders shall be kept in prison 
two months and afterwards sent to this capital. You 
will also prohibit any trader from furnishing arms, 





166 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 26. Also zbid., no. 19. 


136 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


powder, or even merchandise, to white men who are 
shamelessly living among the red; and you will spare 
no effort to induce them to return to their duty, assuring 
those who present themselves of the protection of the 
government, on condition that they have committed no 
assassinations or other atrocious crimes. I hope that 
you will achieve this salutary end. I have sent the same 
order to the Arkancas, and trust that they will obey 
them; and if anyone fails to respect and fulfill exactly 
the purposes of the government, we will provide the 
remedy.” 


7. O'REILLY TO DE MEZIERES, JANUARY 23, 17707% 


TO THE SAME GENTLEMAN: You did quite right, Sir, 
to sequestrate the four little Indians brought to that 
post by a trader who had purchased them among the 
hostile nations; first, because our laws prohibit having 
savage slaves, and second, because all commerce with 
nations hostile to us is prohibited. 

You surely forgot to indicate to me the name of the 
trader in question. Insuchacase you should draw up a 
procés verbal and send it to the governor-general. 


8. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA *° 
FEBRUARY 1, 1770 17° 


[5] Nachitos, February 1, 1770. 

SIR: Having found here four Englishmen, bach- 
elors and Protestants, I set a time when they must 
either leave this district or arrange to receive instruction 
in our holy Catholic faith, in order that, being baptized 


+87 For the steps taken at this time by De Méziéres, in conjunction with 
Father Stanislaus, curate of Natchitoches, toward rebuilding the church at 
Natchitoches, see footnote 351. 

+88 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 33. Also ibid., no. 16. 

169 After thirty-five years spent in the service of the king, Luiz de Unzaga, 
colonel of the Regiment of Havana, was in 1770 appointed governor of Louis- 





one} CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 = 137 


and becoming members of this parish, they might in the 
future be shown the same favors as are enjoyed by 
the subjects of his Majesty, under his royal patronage. 
As a result of this warning two have left the place and 
gone to Manchac;** the others are still here, having 
made abjuration, to the great edification and tender re- 
joicing of all of us who live in this post, since, besides 
being men of very good habits, they are very dextrous 
and skillful in all kinds of mechanical work. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship the many happy years which I desire. 

Senor Captain-general, the hand of your Lordship 1s 
kissed by your most humble and obsequious servant. 

ATHAN!®° DE MEZIERES [ rubric ]. 

Senor Governor and Captain-general Don Luiz de 

Unzaga.*” 


9. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
FEBRUARY 1, 1770 178 


[7] Str: I have charged Juan Piseros, the bearer 
of these packages, with conducting an Indian named 
San Yago, formerly a slave of a citizen of Ylinuez, from 


iana by Alexander O’Reilly, to whom the pacification and reorganization of 
that province had been entrusted. The appointment was confirmed on August 
17, 1772. ‘The mild administration of Unzaga, and, it is said, the complacency 
with which he looked upon infractions of the commercial restrictions of Spain, 
endeared him to the people of Louisiana. In 1776 Unzaga, now brigadier 
general, asked to be permitted to retire with the pay of colonel, because of old 
age, bad health, and poor eyesight. ‘The request was not granted, and he re- 
mained in Louisiana till relieved by Bernardo de Galvez in 1777, when he was 
transferred to the captaincy-general of Caracas. [Gayarré, op. cit., vol. iii, 
44, 102-104. ] 

170 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 187. 

171 Manchac was a post then in West Florida, near Baton Rouge. “Little 
Manchac” was a place below that point, where the city of Lafayette, La., is 
now situated, famous before the American Revolution for contraband trade 
by the English. 

172 For the reply see Document 17. 

173 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 191. 


138 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


whom, after having remained with him a long time, he 
fled, angry at the servitude, to the Akensas. ‘There he 
learned of the ease with which he could return to his 
country, which is that of the Taowaiares,’” bitter ene- 
mies of the Spaniards of the province of ‘Texas or 
Nuebas Felipinas; but, reflecting while there upon the 
continuous attacks which these his compatriots were 
making against the presidios and subjects of his Majesty, 
and no less fearful of the punishment which they must 
receive and he with them if he should remain there, than 
moved by his love for Christians, he having been raised 
in our holy Catholic faith, the said San Yago was moved 
to come down to this post; and I, seeing the opportunity 
offered me for effecting the treaties by making use of 
this person, so well suited for the attainment of so de- 
sirable a benefit, am sending him to your Lordship’s . 
presence, humbly begging you to receive him and to 
order him treated with appropriate benignity, warning 
him of the vengeance which his nation must incur if they 
continue their robberies and attacks, and, on the other 
hand, of the good treatment which they will receive if 
they desist from their pride. And I beg that, after you 
have kept this Indian during the time which the canoe 
in which he goes remains in that city, he be returned at 
your Lordship’s orders in the same canoe, properly in- 
structed that the French and Spanish nations are but 
one; that the flag of his Majesty is the only one to be seen 
raised in all this province; and that therefore the In- 
dians who injure the Spaniards of the kingdom of Mex- 
ico injure also all those of Luiziana. ‘The said San 
Yago, taking all this into consideration, from having 
witnessed it, and being very grateful to your Lordship, 
will, I am confident, on his return to these parts go nois- 





174 The ‘Taovayas, or Taweéhash. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 139 


ing it about in such a way that he will be very useful in 
softening and terrorizing the hearts of those barbarous 
and indomitable heathen. 

I have already had the honor to mention to your Lord- 
ship the fact that this San Yago has been a slave of a 
man of Ylinuez, who, I have heard, lives near that city. 
He may, on hearing of the arrival of San Yago, appeal 
to your Lordship in order to hold him in slavery again. 
But it appears to me that the latter has a better right to 
retain his freedom, because it was taken from him in 
gross violation of the law, and he only set about restor- 
ing it, now that the laws are in his favor. 

May God preserve and prosper the important life of 
your Lordship many years. Nachitos, February 1, 1770. 

Senor Captain-general, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble and obsequious servant, 

ATHAN!®° DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Governor and Captain-general, Don Luiz de 
Unzaga."” 


10. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
FEBRUARY 1, 1770 1° 


[8] SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL, 

Sir: I have exact information that some traders are 
about to return here with a great quantity of skins which 
they have purchased among the hostile nations, abusing 
for this purpose, as I believe, the passport to go among 
the enemies given them by my predecessor. And as I 
can do no less than institute proceedings against them, 
from which will result the total confiscation of what- 
ever they may bring, I refer the matter to your Lord- 
ship, that you may command me what disposition shall 





175 For the reply see Document 18. 
176 Pap, Proc. de Cuba, leg. r10, no. 193. 


140 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES — [Vol. 





be made of effects proceeding from such illicit com- 
merce; for with respect to the persons, if it pleases your 
Lordship, after they have been punished with imprison- 
ment, I shall cause them to dedicate themselves to agri- 
culture and shall see that they are loyal, useful subjects 
of the king, in the same degree as in the past they have 
been insubordinate and pernicious. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many happy years. Nachitos, February 1, 1770. 

Sefior Captain-general, your Lordship’s hand is kissed 
by your most humble and obsequious servant, 

ATHAN!9 DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 


11. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 1" 
FEBRUARY 1, 1770 *%8 


[g] SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL, 

Sir: I have great reason to be proud that your Lord- 
ship deigned to consider me the instrument, weak though 
it be, which is to codperate in this district in the high 
projects which your Lordship has conceived for the ad- 
vancement of the service of both Majesties; and it being 
plain to me that the one to which you dedicate my zeal 
is the restoration of peace, so disturbed by the ferocious 
and numerous gentiles who surround us,’” I have fixed 
my closest attention on the prompt attainment of this 
very desirable benefit. For this purpose I have sent 
couriers among the hostile bands, that they may under- 
stand that the invincible and most powerful French and 
Spanish nations are now united by such close ties that to 
injure one is to offend the other, and that so long as they 
continue in their former pride they will incur the ven- 





177 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 195. 

178 For the reply see Document 19. 

179 Here we have De Méziéres’s own statement of what he regarded as his 
principal mission. See “Introduction,” page 87. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 141 


geance of both, which will result in the most terrifying 
and unheard of punishments. And since this my advice 
goes forth supported by that of the friendly caciques 
(who are greatly interesting themselves in the reéstab- 
lishment of tranquillity), and since, also, these hostile 
bands are at present entirely without supplies, because 
of the great care which I have taken to make the mer- 
chants retire who, so greatly to the injury of the subjects 
of his Majesty, were wandering among them, I am con- 
fident that, on account of their repentance, their total 
lack of supplies, and their poverty, they very soon will 
become as peaceful and humble as they have appeared 
restless and haughty in the past. Therefore I beg your 
Lordship to favor me with your permission and pass- 
port, so that, as soon as I am assured of their good dis- 
positions, I may take them to the presidio of San Antonio 
de Bexar, in order that they may ask there and obtain 
(for it has never been denied by the laws of our merciful 
monarch) the treaties on which rests the peace and the 
prosperity of the disturbed province of Nuebas Fe- 
lipinas, for | assure your Lordship that these nations will 
be subdued better by your influence and mediation than 
by noise of arms and excessive expenses to the royal 
treasury. In evidence of this I might cite the very dis- 
graceful campaign made in the year of ’fifty-nine by 
Col. Don Diego Orttiz Parrilla,**’ with such shame to 
our nation, that, saying nothing of the number of his 
men who were killed or captured, he left in possession 
of the barbarians part of the artillery, together with 
other munitions of war which he was taking to combat 
them. If your Lordship is pleased to grant me this per- 
mission, which I urgently beg, an infinite amount of 
blood and treasure, both of his Majesty and of private 


189 See the “Introduction,” page 49. 


142 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


persons, will be saved, and your Lordship will forever 
have the love, veneration, and gratitude which all these 
heathen must render you, as to a benefactor, regarding 
you as the rainbow which has quieted the fatal tempests 
which were harassing them. And be assured, your 
Lordship, that in any emergency to the royal service 
which may arise, these heathen will come with the most 
efficient and prompt aid. Besides, the country which 
they occupy is one of the most important of the Indian 
districts, because of its beauty and because it contains, 
as I know, very rich metals. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many happy years. Nachitos, February 1, 1770. 

Sefior Captain-general, the hand of your Lordship 
is kissed by your most humble servant, 

ATHAN!° DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 


12, DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
FEBRUARY 1, 1770 1*1 


[10] SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL, 

Sir: I have reported to the two caciques of the most 
faithful nation[{s] of the Caudachos and Yatassé the 
great favor which the Majesty of our Catholic monarch 
has deigned to grant them by selecting them for decora- 
tion with his medal, and, as a more exact proof of his 
royal protection, the honor which they are to receive in 
his august banner which I am to deliver them, together 
with other presents which in a material way show them 
the benevolence of so much and so deservedly loved [a 
sovereign], the renowned emperor of these Indies. | 
have also promised those caciques in the name of his 
Excellency and of your Lordship to practice with them 
constantly, as is proper among friends and due for their 





181 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 197. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 143 





loyalty, the fairest treatment and dealings, and that they 
may never experience from the king any change, but 
on the contrary, they may reap, as in times past, the 
fruits of their own sweat and labor. To this end I 
have chosen Juan Piseros, citizen and merchant of this 
post, so that in virtue of his agreement, which is en- 
closed, he may purchase and bring the necessary goods 
and | illegible] supplies for these nations; and when they 
have arrived here they shall be divided among the per- 
sons who go to distribute them. “These men, besides 
being of proved conduct, have plentiful substance, so 
that in case they depart from the straight path and vio- 
late the accompanying [stipulations] we may look to 
_ their goods and give them other besides personal pun- 
ishment. 

God preserve the important life of your Lordship 
many happy years. Nachitos, February 1, 1770. 

Senor Captain-general, your Lordship’s hand is kissed 
by your most humble and obsequious servant, 

ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 

Sefor Governor and Captain-general Don Luiz de 

Unzaga."” 


13. CONTRACT OF JUAN PISEROS WITH DE ME- 
ZIERES, NATCHITOCHES, FEBRUARY 3, 1770 '** 


List of Goods necessary for the annual Supply of the 
Village of the Grand Cadaux 


No. 10 [ Enclosure ]. 
Forty staple fusils of good caliber 
Sixty ells of Limbourg, red and blue 
Thirty woolen blankets, twenty of two and one-half points and 
ten of three points 
Four hundred pounds of French gun powder 





182 For the reply see Document 20. 
1838 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 198. 


144 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


Nine hundred pounds of bullets, caliber thirty to thirty-two 

Thirty pickaxes 

Thirty hatchets of good quality and well turned 

Thirty tomahawks 

Fifty shirts, half gingham and half white 

One gross of hunters’ knives with three nails 

One gross of pocket knives with horn or dog’s head handles 

Six dozen large boxwood combs 

Six dozen pairs of scissors 

Sixty pounds of small glass beads, sky blue, white, and black 

One thousand flints 

Six dozen large steels 

Six dozen awls 

Six pounds of pure vermilion 

Six dozen mirrors of pliant copper 

Six pieces of scarlet tavelle 184 

‘Twelve pounds of copper wire suitable for bracelets and worm- 
screws 


List of Goods necessary for the annual Supply of the 
Village of the Petit Cados 


‘Thirty staple fusils of good caliber 

Forty ells of red and blue Limbourg 

Forty fine blankets, half three points and half two and one-half 
points 

Two hundred pounds of French gun powder 

Four hundred fifty pounds of balls, caliber thirty to thirty-two 

Twenty pickaxes 

‘Twenty hatchets 

Twenty tomahawks 

Thirty pounds of glass beads, sky blue, white, and black 

Four pounds of pure vermillion 

Half a gross of hunter’s knives 

Id. of pocket-knives with horn or dog’s head handles. 

Half a gross of boxwood combs 

Four dozen steels 

Four dozen wormscrews 

Five hundred flints 

Two dozen mirrors 


184] have not been able to ascertain the meaning of this word. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 145 


Six pounds of copper wire, coarse and fine 
Twenty-four shirts 


List of Goods necessary for the annual Supply of the 
Village of the Hiatassés 


Fifteen staple fusils 

Thirty ells of red and blue Limbourg 
Twenty fine blankets, of two grades 
Thirty shirts 

Two hundred pounds of French gun powder 
Four hundred fifty pounds of balls 

Ten pickaxes 

‘Ten hatchets 

Ten tomahawks 

Thirty pounds of small glass beads, sky blue, white, and black 
Four pounds of vermillion 

Half a gross of large hunter’s knives 
Half a gross of pocket knives 

Id. of combs 

Id. of awls 

Id. of wormscrews 

Id. of steels 

Five hundred flints 

Four pieces of tavelle 

Three dozen mirrors 

Six pounds of copper wire, coarse and fine 


[ the undersigned, resident and merchant in this post, 
certify that | have agreed with M. de Mezieres to pur- 
chase, bring up, and put at the disposition of the Sieurs 
Alesis Grappe, Dupin and Fazende Moriere, the mer- 
chandise mentioned above, of good quality, marketable, 
and well chosen, to serve and to be distributed by them 
to the nations of the Cados d’Acquioux and Hiatassés, 
our allies, in conformity with the intentions of his Ex- 
cellency, which delivery I obligate myself to make to 
the above-named persons, payable in the stipulated term 
of a year from the following spring on condition of their 
paying fifty per cent profit on the purchase price in 


146 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


New Orleans, according to the certified invoices which 
I shall exhibit. I agree to accept deer skins of good 
quality and marketable at thirty-five sous apiece; bear’s 
fat at twenty-five sous a pot; buffalo hides, good and 
marketable, at ten livres, I reserving, in view of my ad- 
vances and the length of the term of credit, the choice of 
goods which may please me best, until | am completely 
paid. Natchitoches, Feb. 3,1770. (Signed) PISEROS. 

[Endorsement] Copy compared with the original. 
Natchitoches, Feb. 3, 1770. DE MEZIERES [rubric] 


14. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
FEBRUARY 1, 1770 1% 


[11] SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL, 

Sir: Your Lordship is already informed of the es- 
tablishment of wheat culture in this district, but as that 
which I sowed in large quantities last year failed almost 
completely because of the bad season, which was ex- 
tremely wet, [ have no hope that the small amount 
which I expect to harvest this year will be sufficient to 
furnish the citizens with seed. Therefore, I beg your 
Lordship to order brought for me from Los Ylinuezes 
six fanegas ‘** of this grain, for the cost and freighting 
of which to Punte Cupé I will be responsible, as well as 
for bringing it here from that place, as soon as you shall 
advise me. 

Rye, as your Lordship knows, is the bread of the poor 
in all places; and there being so many of that class in 
this colony, I likewise beg your Lordship to order two 
fanegas of it brought me, in order that its culture may 
not be neglected. 

Barley, if it succeeds, will also be very useful for the 





185 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 200. 
186 A measure of grain of about a hundred pounds; as much land as can be 
sown by a fanega of seed grain. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 = 147 


establishment of breweries; since in this country there is 
no lack of persons who understand the business, malt 
liquors will be sent from here to that city as well as to 
other places in the province, already manufactured. 
Therefore, with your favor, I hope for the same amount 
of barley as I have stated for the rye. 

Of ale as good vinegar is made as of wine; and of bar- 
ley, by adding to it the seed of colwert, is manufactured 
whiskey which is used in Flanders and Holland. There- 
fore, rye having been secured, the other may be ex- 
pected. This will be a very great boon to Luiziana, 
for twice as much money will then remain in it as now 
for the benefit of its citizens; and by this means they can 
count on some conveniences for themselves and their 
children. 

Of the 160,000 pesos which left Havana for New 
Orleans on the 18th of June, 1768, 70,000 went to the 
English, for the flour which they had brought for the 
consumption of the previous year, and the rest was for 
the merchants of Santo Domingo, part for wine, rum, 
and other comestibles which had been brought from 
there. Therefore, having wanted this capital for a very 
long time, [after getting it] the citizens remained as 
poor as before. This would not have happened if 
Nachitoches had been in a condition to provide flour, 
malt liquors, vinegar, and whiskey, as it might do 
within four or five years, in which case at least 100,000 
of the 160,000 pesos which came at the time stated above 
would remain distributed among the planters and work- 
ers. This would be repeated every year, and the colony, 
being rich, would not need other funds than its own, ex- 
cept those which very naturally would be added to it. 

God preserve the important life of your Lordship 
many happy years. Nachitos, February 1, 1770. 


148 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


Sefior Captain-general, your Lordship’s hand is kissed 


by your most obsequious and humble servant. 
ATHAN!° DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 
Seftor Governor and Captain-general, Don Luiz de 
Unzaga." 
15. INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE TRADERS OF THE ~ 


CADAUX D’ACQUIOUX AND HIATASSES 
NATIONS, FEBRUARY 4, 1770** 


His Excellency the Captain-general of this province, 
having by his orders of the 24th of November, 1769, en- 
joined me to choose persons known for their good habits 
and their zeal for the service of the king, that they 
might be sent to the Indian villages to encourage the 
savages more and more to work, and not to permit them 
to remain in an idleness dangerous not only to their own 
interests but to those of his Majesty as well, I have 
chosen the Sieurs Alexis Grappe, Dupin, and Fazende 
Moriere, to reside in the villages of our good friends 
and faithful allies, the Hiatasses and the Cadaux da 
Kioux, where they shall strictly observe the following 
instructions: 

1st. The merchandise customary in the trade with 
the savages shall be furnished them to their satisfaction, 
they paying the ordinary trade price. 

2d. No English merchandise shall be introduced 
among the Indians, under the penalty inflicted upon 
contraband traders, nor any kind of intoxicating drink, 
under pain of arrest and confiscation of goods. 

3d. These goods shall be sold and distributed only — 
to those Nations which are friendly to ours; thus the 
Naytanes, ~ Taouaiaches, Touacanas, Yscanes, Quitseys, 





187 For the reply see Documext 21. 
188 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, lez 110, no. 205. 
183 A branch of the Comanche 





one} CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 149 


and Tancaoueys, who are all enemies, shall have no part 
in it, either directly or indirectly, until new orders are 
issued, under the penalties inflicted upon traitors to the 
king and the country. 

4th. The said traders shall arrest all French or Span- 
ish wanderers or vagabonds and confiscate their effects, 
demanding, if necessary, the forcible aid of the Indians. 
{ will forewarn the chiefs in this particular in order that 
these rovers may be brought to this post. 

sth. ‘They are enjoined to watch very carefully that 
no Englishman shall introduce himself into the villages 
within the district of this post to trade with the Indians 
or for any other purpose whatsoever. Incase one does, 
they shall do their best to have his goods pillaged and 
him arrested, and even killed if he gives any resistance. 

6th. The said traders are pledged to send me cou- 
tiers whenever they learn any news of interest to the 
service of his Majesty. 

7th. They are likewise pledged to maintain peace 
and entire harmony among the people allied with us; 
and if any quarrel should occur between the families or 
individuals of the villages where they reside, or even 
among the neighboring tribes, they are pledged to stifle 
it and to conciliate the parties. 

8th. The said traders are expressly ordered to ex- 
plain daily to the Indians the inestimable advantage 
which they enjoy of being under the happy dominion 
of his Majesty; that all the French are charmed to live 
under the laws of so august a monarch; that his protec- 
tion is assured to all natives who comport themselves as 
becomes men; that this great king considers them as his 
dearest subjects; and that in return he very properly ex- 
pects them to submit to his will, but with no other pur- 
pose than their own happiness. 


150 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES ; [ Vol. 


gth. The said traders likewise shall make forcible 
[ harangues ],*°°* whenever occasion arises, to the Indians 
of hostile nations who may come near them, concerning 
the unpardonable offense of which they are guilty 
toward the grandest, the most just, and the best of all 
masters, telling them that if they do not desist from their 
pride and their violence they will see fall upon them the 
weight of a vengeance which they will not be able to 
escape; that the French, united to-day with the Spaniards 
by indissoluble bonds, far from giving them any assist- 
ance, will treat them as their cruel enemies; but that if, 
on the contrary, they give true signs of repentance by 
promptly making an enduring peace, they will be re- 
ceived and added to the number of the children and sub- 
jects of this worthy sovereign. 

10. As the service of God and the good of the re- 
ligion ought to be kept in mind by all Christians, it is 
recommended to these traders that they take care that no 
adult or infant Indian in danger of death shall be with- 
out the blessing of holy baptism. They ought to feel 
the importance of this article; the recompense of a work 
so meritorious is to them well known. 

At the government headquarters, February 4, 1770. 
Copy. DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 


16. O’REILLY TO DE MEZIERES, FEBRUARY 109, 1770 1% 


All your correspondence with my successor should be 
in Castilian, since you know this language well and since 
it will facilitate the regular despatch of business in this 
government. 

I have received three letters from you dated the 11th 


1892 The manuscript is illegible at this place, but the meaning is evidently 
that suggested in brackets. 
190 Pap, Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 4. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 151 


of the present month, and concerning their contents I 
have only to repeat to you what I have said in my earlier 
letters which accompany this, confident of your care in 
observing the orders which I have sent you, and all the 
chapters of the instruction which I gave you here, in the 
best way to achieve all the purposes of the service. 

With respect to the establishment in this province 
and under the shelter of some of our towns, which is de- 
sired by some families of Indians** anciently estab- 
lished in La Bahia del Espiritu Santo and who later 
joined the Tancouey and Tovacana tribes, our enemies, 
[I have to say that] I cannot decide so serious a matter 
without having a trustworthy report of the number 
comprised in these families, and some greater assurance 
than that which you give me of their fidelity and good 
conduct. 

God preserve you many years. New Orleans, Febru- 
ALY 10,/1'770. ALEJANDRO O’REILLY [rubric]. 
Senor Don Atanasio des Mesieres. 


17, UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA ?*? TO DE MEZIERES 
MARCH \15, 1770 198 


In all our realms of America it is forbidden by law 
to admit any foreigner, not even the French, who are 
Christians, being exempt from this law, much less per- 
sons recently converted for their own private ends; and 
even though it should really be for the sake of the faith, 
our duty will be sufficiently fulfilled if we justly and as 
Christians give temporal aid, omitting the spiritual. 
By doing this we shall do no injury to the faith, for 
works of supererogation are reserved for monastics. 





191 The Xaraname, or Aranama. 
192 Reply to Document 8. 
193 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 259. Also zbid., no. 188. 


152 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


May God preserve you many years, New Orleans, 
March 16, 1770. 
Sefior Don Athanasio de Mezieres. 


18. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA *%* TO DE MEZIERES 
MARCH 15, 17701” 


[7] The Indian San Yago is being returned in the 
canoe which brought him, well instructed in regard to 
our mild treatment and just dealings; but no occasion 
arose for considering his liberty, since no person claimed 
him, notwithstanding the facts that according to the cus- 
toms of the French slavery was tolerated and that this 
point has not been decided by our sovereign. Neverthe- 
less, he may enjoy his liberty freely, because of the advan- 
tage which will result from his reports to the other na- 
tions. 

God preserve you many years. New Orleans, March 
15, 1770. 


Senor Don Athanazio de Mezieres. 


19. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA?* TO DE MEZIERES 
MARCH 15, 17701% 


Whenever, through your good conduct, you succeed 
by gentle and pacific means in uniting those barbarian 
nations with our mild government, known the world 
over for its humanity, I shall give my hearty approval; 
and I promise you all the aid falling to my part, and to 
contribute as far as possible by my instructions toward 
securing so salutary an end, persuaded that not the least 
efficient measure will be the persecution of the traders 
who, with cavilous and untruthful conversation, disturb 
and undo the nice workings of our wise plans relative 





194 Reply to Document 9. 
195 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 192. 
196 Reply to Document 11. 
197 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 196. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 153 


to the best service of God, the king, and the public wel- 
fare. 

May God preserve you many years. New Orleans, 
March 15, 1770. LUIS DE UNZAGA. 
Sefior Don Athanasio de Mezieres. 


20. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA ?* TO DE MEZIERES 
MARCH 15, 1770 1% 


I was greatly pleased with the advice which you gave 
to the caciques of the Caudachos and Yatasés to the end 
that they should accept the medal and the flag in the 
name of and as a special demonstration of the clemency 
of our sovereign, who, by such merciful means inclines 
to favor his vassals, and all those who sincerely ask for 
his royal aid and patronage. Having learned that this 
is true by these acts and by the presents which they will 
annually receive, as well as by the commerce which will 
be faithfully furnished them by those citizens, under 
your direction, their confidence will be established. For 
the last mentioned purpose the man named Pisero is re- 
turning to that place with the goods which he has been 
able to obtain here. But this trade ought to be under- 
stood as open to all the subjects of his Majesty who may 
wish to take part in it, under the rules of equity and so 
as not to contravene the good intentions, from which 
should result commensurate good to said vassals and 
benefit to the Indians, who, enjoying good faith and ex- 
periencing no tyranny from change of prices, will more 
firmly recognize our mild government every day. In 
this way will be destroyed the excessive ambition and 
the tyranny which has been practiced with such infrac- 
tion of the rights of peoples and humanity, so recom- 





198 Reply to Document 12. 
199 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 199. Also thid., no. 264, where it is 
numbered ro and dated March 16. 


154 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


mended by all the nations, restricting trade to only one 
[hand ]**** and to the interest of one sole person, there 
resulting from this monopoly odium for the nation and 
contempt for its laws. 

These ideas, you will see, are in harmony with the in- 
structions of the most excellent Sefor Don Alejandro 
O’Reilly, which, no doubt, you will follow, since they 
are in harmony with the good conduct which you have 
always manifested. Knowing this, I might refrain 
from repeating it, yet I am obliged to do so in order to 
fulfill my duty and my office. 

May God preserve you many years. New Orleans, 
March 15, 1770. 

Sefior Don Athanasio de Mezieres. 


21. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA?”° TO DE MEZIERES 
MARCH) 96))1770 773 


In reply to your letter number 11, let me say that as 
the expedition to Los Ylinoeses *” has already set out, 
the request which you make cannot be granted at pres- 
ent, but that when opportunity arises I will order what 
you request, for from it will result a general benefit to 
that town, and especially to the poor. 

May God preserve you many years. New Orleans, 
March 16, 1770. LUIS DE UNZAGA [rubric ] 
Sefior Don Athanasio de Mezieres. 


22. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES 
MARCH 16, 1770 2° 


The report which you were pleased to send me of the 





1994 The original is illegible at this point; but from Document 47 it seems 
clear that the word was “hand.” 

200 Reply to Document 14. 

201 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 265. 

202 Tlliinos, z.e., the district of St. Louis. 

203 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. r10, no. 267. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 155 


love, joy, and fidelity with which those citizens have ac- 
cepted the taking possession of that territory in the name 
of our Catholic sovereign, has been all the more pleasing 
to me because it is the result of your good conduct; and 
you may be sure that demonstrations so faithful as these 
will move me not only to aid your person, but also to 
make it known to and to secure protection for it from the 
merciful king. 

May God preserve you many years. New Orleans, 
March 16, 1770. 


23. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
MARCH 22, 1770 7% 


[No.1 | Natchitoches, March 22, 1770. 

SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL — SIR: In the time of the 
Most Excellent Sefior Don Alejandro O’Reilly I sent 
him a report of the Acadian families who were ship- 
wrecked on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, opposite 
the presidio of La Bahya del Espiritu Santo, and 
brought here at the order of the governor of the province 
of Los Texas, or Nuebas Felipinas. His Excellency 
thought best that these families should remain and settle 
in this post, in order within a month to begin the estab- 
lishment of the culture of wheat, hemp, rye, and other 
important crops in which, it is well-known, these Aca- 
dians are the most skillful, since they were brought up 
to raising them, and for which this country has been 
considered very well adapted. With this plan in view 
I ordered assigned to these Acadian families very rich 
lands. ‘They were highly pleased with them, and were 
equally grateful for the generosity of the people of this 
vicinity, who offered them axes, adzes, salt, lard, maize, 
beans, hogs, cows, and goats, the latter to be kept by them 


204 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 208. 


156 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


three years to supply them with milk, they to retain a 
half of the increase, and either to return or pay for the 
other half when they should be able to do so. Of this 
your Lordship will be better informed through the ac- 
companying certificate. But these Acadians changed 
their minds a few days ago, and have asked me for a 
passport to withdraw and go to establish their homes on 
the banks of the Rio de San Luiz, already settled by their 
countrymen and relatives, from whom they expect, they 
say, the same and even greater aid than that promised 
themhere. But I have denied this petition, since I have 
a strict order that no person shall be permitted to come 
and settle here without a license known by me to be from 
the captain-general, or to leave, once having come, ex- 
cept in the same way. Accordingly I have thought it 
necessary to refer the matter to your Lordship, that you 
may deign to order me what may be your superior pleas- 
ure; nor must I neglect to report to you how sorry I am 
that meanwhile these Acadians are wasting their time, 
for they do nothing, the youths occupying themselves in 
wandering about and the men and women in asking 
alms, which at first did not fail them, for the inhabitants 
of this place gave them both food and clothing, not in 
proportion to their poverty, but with the greatest [ gen- 
erosity|, as far as they were able. And I am certain 
that as gifts have ceased, because of their indolence and 
laziness, their desire to remain has been cooled and an- 
other has arisen, namely, to go roaming through the rest 
of the province, greatly to the disadvantage of the com- 
monwealth and with visible contempt for the govern- 
ment. 

May God our Lord preserve and extend the important 
life of your Lordship the many years for which I in- 
cessantly plead. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 157 


Sefior Captain-general, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble and faithful servant, 
ATHAN!®° DE MEZIERES [ rubric ]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


24. AGREEMENT MADE WITH THE INDIAN NATIONS 
IN ASSEMBLY, APRIL 21, 1770? 


We, Athanaze de Mezieres, Captain of Infantry, 
Lieutenant-governor of the Post of Natchitoches and its 
dependencies, and Don Joseph Gonzalles, commandant 
of Adailles, here at the request of M. De Mezieres, in 
the presence of M. Borme, militia captain, Poisot, leu- 
tenant, and Dupin, sub-lieutenant, as well as the person 
named Alexis Grappe, interpreter of the savage nations 
for his Majesty, have caused to assemble in the audi- 
ence chamber the chiefs of the Caddeaux Dakiou and 
Yataces, expressly come from their villages at our or- 
ders; and they have solemnly promised to show the same 
love and the same respect for his Catholic Majesty that 
they have had for the most Christian King; in conse- 
quence they have ceded him all proprietorship in the 
land which they inhabit, have promised him blind fidel- 
ity and obedience, and have received his royal emblem 
and his august medal with the very greatest veneration. 
They have engaged to aid with their good offices and 
their persuasion, in maintaining the general peace, and, 
in consequence, not to furnish any arms or munitions of 
war to the Naytanes, T'aouayaches, Tuacanas, Quitseys, 
etc.; to employ themselves peaceably in their hunting, 
both for their entertainment and for their subsistence; 
and to arrest and conduct to this post all coureurs de bois 
and persons without occupation whom they may meet in 
the future, protesting that they will never forget their 





205 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 2202. 


158 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





promise, which is just and very conformable to the 
harangue which has been brought to them by us, in the 
name of the captain-general of this province. In testi- 
mony of this they have received the present of his 
Majesty and will receive it annually with the same pleas- 
ure and the same respect. 
Natchitoches, April 21, 1770. 
ATHANI!° DE MEZIERES PISEROS 
P. DUPIN BORME 
ROUJOT ALEXIS GRAPPE 
JOSEPH GONZALES [?] NOTARY 


I further certify that the said chiefs of the Cadau- 
dakious and Yatassés have very solemnly promised me 
to have arrested and brought to this post all the coureurs 
de bois, French, Spanish, or blacks, of whom they have 
knowledge, wandering in the Indian villages; and I, to 
reward them for their efforts and for so good a service, 
have promised to give in exchange for each person of 
that class, a staple fusil and two ells of broadcloth. And 
as I am not authorized to incur any expense in this par- 
ticular, I will provide it from my pocket, having no 
other expectation * than to extirpate an abuse so con- 
trary to the good of the service of his Majesty. 

Dated as above, | ATHAN!° DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 


25. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
APRIL ‘30, 1770 7°" 


{1ST] VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR, 
Sir: JI am sending to your Lordship a copy of the 


letter which, under date of the 28th inst., was written me 
by Don José Gonzalez, commander of Los Adaes, and 





206 There appears to be a corruption in the manuscript at this point, but the 
meaning is clearly that given in the translation. 
207 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 43. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 159 


also the bill of goods which he requested and which 
have been furnished him. 

The shortage of the maize crop last year in Los Adaes 
was so great that the harvest was less than what had been 
planted, so that all the people of this district were out 
by the month of September. Besides these there have 
been added the families of Acadians who were ship- 
wrecked in the Bay of Espirutu Santo and the traders 
and vagabonds who were wandering about scattered 
among the heathen. ‘These are the reasons why we not 
only cannot aid the outsiders, but also why the people of 
this place themselves will soon be exposed to the greatest 
need. For this reason Don José Gonzalez has requested 
of your Lordship, by the letter which I enclosed in my 
package, permission to secure supplies from Punté Cupé 
or Opeluzaz. If there is any delay there is no doubt 
that all these people, both the citizens and the presidials, 
will perish of hunger, which is already so great that, 
having no other sustenance than purslane and other wild 
plants, they cannot avoid a very fatal epidemic. 

I cannot refrain from informing your Lordship that 
{ have never seen or heard of poverty equal to that which 
the people of that royal presidio are now suffering, with 
nothing to drink or to eat, without money, and so com- 
pletely without credit as to be most disastrous (since 
there is owing here about 30,000 pesos by the governors 
and captains, no payment, so long due, having been made 
for five years past), for if I had not made myself respon- 
sible for the value of the supplies which have been secur- 
ed, they would not have obtained a grain of maize, so 
great is the public distrust. Finally, since the granaries of 
these citizens are exhausted, and since all recourse to the 
interior provinces is cut off by the excessive floods of the 


160 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


rivers, these unfortunates have no other recourse than 
the aid and protection of your Lordship. 

May God prosper the important life of your Lordship 
many years. Royal Fort of San Juan Baptista de 
Natchitoches, April 30, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, your hand is kissed by your most 
humble servant. ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES [ rubric ]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luis de Unzaga. 


26. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA *° 
MAY 15,\ 1770 


[ 2D - REGISTERED ] — VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR, 

Sir: It must be about sixteen years ago, a little more 
or less, that a person named Brindamur, whose sole em- 
ployment was to roam the forests and entertain himself 
in hunting — an occupation very conducive to laziness 
and to all the other vices as well — carried off a woman, 
although with her consent, and married though she was 
to an honorable person of Puntté Cupé named Albertto. 
The latter soon died of grief caused him by the unex- 
pected rashness of his wife, thus leaving both of them 
free. Happy at the news, they came down from the 
river of the Akensas, famous asylum of evil-doers 
whither they had fled, to the fort of the same name, and 
there, as a reward for their unchaste amours, they were 
united in the most unhappy bonds of matrimony. They 
then returned at once to their haunts, because the groom, 
who was of gigantic frame and extraordinary strength, 
had made himself a petty king over those vagabonds and 
highwaymen, who, with contempt for law and sub- 
ordination, with equal insult to Christians, and to the 
shame of the very heathen, up to now have maintained 


208 For the reply see Document 35. 
209 Bancroft Coll., Louisiana. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 161 


210 


themselves on that river. But, a short time after this 
new journey inland, it happened that one of his subjects, 
not only angered at the ill treatment which Brindamutr 
gave him, but frightened as well at the threats which he 
made that he would kill him (which he would have done 
on three different occasions had not the rest prevented 
it), killed Brindamur himself, thus being the instrument 
employed, though tardily, by divine justice for the 
punishment of the misdeeds chargeable to the said 
Brindamur. 

Having committed this murder, the perpetrator, 
called Francisco Morvan, went to the interior along the 
river, constantly changing his location, as is the custom 
of the wicked, driven by their bad consciences, until, 
sad, attenuated, and on the verge of death, he was met by 
some Cadodachos Indians, who were moved to pity, 
carried him to their village, cured him of his ills, and 
restored him to health. He remained with his bene- 
factors for the term of seven years, none of my prede- 
cessors attempting to bring him away, perhaps because 
of the advantage which he enjoyed in the protection of 
that most faithful and beloved nation. Butwhen I gave 
the order that all traders and vagrants should assemble 
here, he did not fail to obey with the rest; and as soon as 
he appeared before me I ordered him arrested and two 
pairs of handcuffs put on him, and that he be brought 
before me the next day in order that I might bring suit 
against him.*” 


210 For further details regarding the character of the population of the 
Arkansas, see Document 30. 

211 The Interrogatory of Morvant was held on May 11, 1770. Morvant, 
dit Bernard, testified that he was a native of New Orleans, about thirty-five 
years of age, and an armorer by trade; that he had killed Brindamur [“Brina- 
mur”’] some ten years before; that since that time he had lived three years on 
the Riviére des Ark and seven at the Cadodacho village. At the time of the 


162 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


In the interim came the Indian Tinhiotien, cacique 
of Cadodachos, who with great insistence begged me to 
deliver the said Francisco Morvan to him, saying that 
he had induced him to come, and that consequently 
Morvan would of course charge him with any harm that 
might come to him; and, although I explained to him 
the violation *’ of our laws, whose basis is the natural 
law (for if we are in duty bound not to do to others what 
we do not wish done to us, it follows that he who com- 
mits murder incurs the penalty of death, as is practiced 
even among the most irrational savages), he became 
very, very sad, protesting that he would not depart from 
my side whilst his petition remained ungranted; that, 
being so loyal a subject of his Majesty he hoped to obtain 
the favor which he asked; and that, to this end, he ap- 
pealed to the merciful tribunal of your Lordship, giv- 
ing a pledge that he would never again interpose in such 
matters, but that, on the contrary, he would order ar- 
rested and brought to this post each and every delin- 
quent who in future might go to take advantage of his 
aid. ‘Thereupon I assembled the principal persons of 
the place, and after the mature deliberation which a 
case of such gravity demands I decided, with the con- 
sent of all the rest, not to displease an Indian of such 
good parts and distinguished services. Accordingly, I 
suspended the cause of the culprit in question, putting 
him under the protection of the cacique, with the ad- 
monition that he should not permit him to leave his 


killing there had been present Baudoin, Goguet, Laurent, and several others. 
Brindamur was described as a chasseur. When Morvant appeared at Natch- 
itoches on the eleventh, he brought three Indian slaves (two Cannecis, or 
Apache, and one of the Cass nation). He also brought a mestizo slave. 
[Interrogatoire . . . au nommé Francois Morvan. Pap. Proc. de Cuba, 
leg. 110, no. 39; also Procés verbal, id. no. 40, and Declaration de un Traitteur, 
td. no. 41.] 
212 Jo, referring to detrimento. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 163 


district until I should ascertain the superior pleasure 
of your Lordship in this particular. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many happy years. Royal Fort of San Juan Bap- 
tista de Nachitoches, May 1s, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, I kiss the hand of your Lordship. 
Your most humble servant, 

ATHANIO DE MEZIERES, etc. [rubric ]. 
Sefior Captain-general, Don Luis de Unzaga. 


27. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 2° 
MTAY, (15)1770;-1* 
[3d] No answer. 

VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR—SIR. I have just learned that 
the Nabedakious, commonly called Indians of San Pe- 
dro,” of the jurisdiction of Los Adaés and until now 
friendly to us, met two traders called Blot and Manciere, 
who, abusing the passport given by my predecessor,” 
were trading indiscriminately and illegally with all 
the heathen nations, and because of their greed for 
what they had, killed them, as well as a Spaniard, who 
was in their employ; and, although I have little reason 
to be sorry for the misfortunes of disobedient and in- 
subordinate persons; yet, with a view to increasing the 
respect of these natives, which makes it so important 
that they shall not shed Christian blood, no matter how 
vile and despicable may be the persons whose blood is 
shed (for if an Indian is permitted to commit one mis- 


213 See Document 38. 

214 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 221. 

215 San Pedro was the name applied to the Nabedache village, near San 
Pedro Creek, in what is now northeastern Houston County, Texas. This vil- 
lage was the site of the first mission in Texas, San Francisco de los Texas, 
established in 1690. See “Introduction,” page 34. The name has clung to the 
stream ever since the Spanish occupation. ; 

216 Baltazar de Villiers. 


164 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


deed, he is encouraged to greater rashness, and from 
very trivial beginnings I have seen extremely serious 
consequences arise), | earnestly hope that the Indians of 
that village themselves may give me very prompt satis- 
faction, bringing me the heads of the perpetrators of 
these murders, which I shall demand and which I am 
sure will not be denied, because since the founding of 
this town the law of retaliation in such circumstances 
has been established here. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. Royal Fort of San Juan Baptista de 
Natchitoches. May 15, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your humble servant, 

ATHANI®O DE MEZIERES [ rubric}. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


28. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
MAY 20, 177077 


VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR— SIR: I have to report to 
your Lordship that the Caranamez ** Indians, who must 
comprise as many as twenty-five families, some years 
ago deserted the mission of Espiritu Santo, where, with 
great expense to the royal treasury, they had been gath- 
ered and instructed in our holy Catholic faith, and, for- 
getting the great benefits which they had received from 
the king, God preserve him, joined the heathen who so 
greatly have disturbed the province of Texas. They 
have taken no small part in the robberies and attacks, 
through furnishing knowledge of, and facilitating 
the entry of the rest of the barbarians into, the countries 
where they were raised. And as it is desirable that they 
should be kept in these territories, even though they do 





217 Pap, Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 223. 
218 The Xaraname, or Araname. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 = 165 


not return to civilized and Christian life, I have notified 
the hostile nations that one of the conditions most neces- 
sary in order that they may be received in peace con- 
sists in their bringing them here, where, in agreement 
with the Sefior Governor of Los Adaes, I will attempt to 
send them to their former homes, assuring them that on 
condition of their making amends no charge whatever 
shall be made against them for the evils which have re- 
sulted from their apostasy. 

May God preserve and prosper the important life of 
your Lordship many years. Royal Fort of San Juan 
Baptista de Natchitoches, May 20, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant. 

ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


29. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
MAY 20, 1770 7” 


VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR— SIR: Among the vaga- 
bonds whom I caused to come down from the villages of 
the heathen where they were scandalously living, I have 
found a mestizo slave *” belonging to Sefior D’Au- 
therive, who for many years has been living with the 
Cadodachos, being one of those who to flatter the Indians 
affect to despise our nation. ‘This person, named Lami, 
I am sending at this time to his owner, well secured by 
two pairs of handcuffs. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. Royal Fort of San Juan Baptista de 
Natchitoches. May 20, 1770. 


219 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 226. 
220 Evidently the mestizo brought on May 11 by Morvant. Declaration de 
un Traitteur, Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 41. 


166 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





Very illustrious Sir, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 
ATHAN!IO DE MEZIERES. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga y Ame- 
zaga. 
30. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
MAY 20, 1770 77? 


VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR — SIR: On the Akansa River 
there live, under the name of hunters, some men of whose 
pernicious customs I must give your Lordship a brief 
account, confident that you will deign to repress the ex- 
cessive abuses which flow each day from the unbridled 
proceedings of these people, more and more to the in- 
jury of the service of God and the king, and of the wel- 
fare and peace of the subjects.*” 

I will not go into details, since it is so vulgar a matter, 
in telling your Lordship that most of those who live 
there have either deserted from the troops and ships of 
the Most Christian King or have committed robberies, 
rape, or homicide, that river thus being the asylum of 
the most wicked persons, without doubt, in all the Indies. 
They live so forgetful of the laws that it is easy to find 
persons who have not returned to Christian lands for ten, 
twenty, or thirty years, and who pass their scandalous 
lives in public concubinage with the captive Indian 
women whom for this purpose they purchase among the 
heathen, loaning those of whom they tire to others of less 
power, that they may labor in their service, giving them 
no other wage than the promise of quieting their las- 
civious passions; in short they have no other rule than 
their own caprice, and the respect which they pay the 
boldest and most daring, who control them. Would 


221 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 227. 
222 See Document 26. 





one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 167 


that, limiting themselves, like brutes, to so infamous a 
mode of living, they might not continually go beyond to 
disturb the peace of these territories. 

To make clear what I have the honor to report to you, 
I ought to tell you that the Osages, living on the river 
of the same name, which empties into the Missuris, have 
from time immemorial been hostile to the Indians of this 
jurisdiction; but on account of the immeasurable dis- 
tance which intervenes between their establishments 
and that of the Comanchez, Taouaiazes, Yscanis, Tua- 
canas, lancaoueys, and Quitseys, they formerly in- 
flicted on these tribes only slight injuries or damages, 
their mutual enmity being more in evidence through 
talk than through actual hostilities; and the Osage being 
diverted in hunting to pay their creditors of Ylinuéz, to 
which district they belong, and their enemies being oc- 
cupied in the same pursuit for the Frenchmen from 
here, neither party aspired so much to be at war as to 
enjoy the pleasures of their respective trade. But that 
river of the Akansa having become infested by the con- 
course of malefactors of which I have spoken, they soon 
came to know the Osages, and incited them with pow- 
der, balls, fusils, and other munitions (which are fur- 
nished them by the merchants who go annually with 
passports to visit them) to attack those of this district, 
for the purpose of stealing women, whom they would 
buy to satisfy their brutal appetites; Indian children, to 
aid them in their hunting; horses, on which to hunt wild 
cattle; and mules, on which to carry the fat and the 
flesh. ‘Thus, all at once this district has become a piti- 
ful theater of outrageous robberies and bloody encoun- 
ters, and it has come to pass that in despair the ‘Tuacanas, 
Yscanis, Tancaotieys, and Quitseys have retreated 
- toward the south until they are now in the neighborhood 
of the presidios of San Saba, Bexar, and Espiritu 


168 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


Santo, where, in order to make good the constant 
loss of horses which they were experiencing, they 
have committed, what they had never imagined doing 
heretofore, like thieveries and outrages on the Span- 
iards. In this way the greed and license of a depraved 
and wholly abominable people are the cause of these 
great evils. In view of this I earnestly beg your Lord- 
ship to please order that this race, through despairing 
of all supplies, may be forced to abandon the river on 
which they reside, and also to intimate to the Osages, 
through the commander of Ylinuéz, that under penalty 
of your displeasure they shall frequent these parts no 
more. They will not refuse this, in the first place be- 
cause of the respect which they have for that com- 
mander, and in the second because they will see how 
fruitless are their incursions if (the same as has been 
demonstrated here) they henceforth have no market for 
the captives and animals, both horses and mules, which 
they may take to sell. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many happy years. Royal Fort of San Juan Bap- 
tista de Natchitoches, May 20, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant. 

ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga y Ame- 
zaga. 


31. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
MAY 20, 1770 773 


VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR — SIR: A man named Fran- 
cisco Beaudouin,*™* one of the hunters and magnates of 





223 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 228. 
224 Francois Beaudoin, or Baudouin, the Beaudoin present at the killing of 
Brindamur on the Arkansas ten years before this time. He was a native of 


«< 7 = ey 7 
OO OO 


one} CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 169 


the Akansa River, having come here with his family, 
consisting of his wife, three children, and a captive In- 
dian woman, for the purpose of supplying himself with 
powder and balls and then returning to his subjects, I 
have done with him what I shall be sure to do with all 
others who may appear before me here from the same 
place; that is, I have arrested him and am sending him 
to your Lordship. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many happy years. Royal Fort of San Juan Bap- 
tista de Natchitoches. May 20, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant. 

ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


32. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
MAY 20, 1770 775 


VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR — SIR: the person who will 
have the honor to deliver these pages to your Lordship 
is Don Claudio Mercier, surgeon and botanist, who 
came here by way of the Akensas River, where, with a 
license from Sefior Aubry, he went to be cured of a very 
serious infirmity by the herbs which are known to him 
and which abound there. And as we are exposed to be- 
ing the victims of the ignorance, avarice, and barbarity 
of every charlatan, I humbly beg that your Lordship 
may deign to permit said Don Claudio to return and 
settle in this post, where, during the short time in which 
he was here, he proved himself worthy of the public 
confidence by the assistance which he gave the poor. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 





Canada, and at this time about fifty years old. [JInterrogatorio of Morvant 
and Baudouin, May 11, 1770. Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 39.] 
225 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 229. 


170 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


ship many years. Royal Fort of San Juan Baptista de 
Natchitoches, May 20, 1770. 
Very illustrious Sir, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 
ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


33. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
MLA Y (20, '11'770.778 


VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR — SIR: My servants have just 
returned from the buffalo hunt, and as they made a great 
killing, they brought me a large quantity of meat and 
tongues. Of the latter I take the liberty to offer your 
Lordship a small number, begging that you will do me 
the favor to accept them as a small sample of the ad- 
vantages afforded by this country to its inhabitants. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many happy years. Royal Fort of San Juan Bap- 
tista de Nachitoches. May 20, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant. 

ATHAN!9O DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


34. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES 
MAY 3 T  2970 07) 


[No.7] SENOoR DON ATHANACIO MECIERE. By your 
letter of the fifteenth of the present month you were 
pleased to request a decision in regard to the confiscated 
goods belonging to the persons named Brognars and 
Ridde,** traders among the hostile nations, concerning 
whose conduct you inform me at length in your letter of 





226 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. r10, no. 230. 
227 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. rro, no. 276. 
228 See Document 42 for further references to Brognard and Ridde. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 171 


April 24, number 20. To both I reply by saying that as 
I am issuing several regulations regarding this matter, 
the case in question will be covered by the statement of 
the disposition to be made of confiscated goods. But 
since these goods, as you inform me, might deteriorate, 
or perish completely, you may send them to me at the 
first opportunity, in order that, they being sold here with 
profit, the proceeds may be deposited for said purpose. 
Hereby the question which you raised in the letter cited 
is settled and decided. 

God preserve you as many years as possible. New 
Orleans, May 31, 1770. LUIS DE UNZAGA [ rubric]. 
Senor Don Atthanacio Meciers 


35. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA ??? TO DE MEZIERES 
JUNE 1, 1770 78° 


By your letter number 2 of May 15 ultimo I am in- 
formed that Francisco Morvan killed the notorious 
Brindamur, and, fleeing from his guilt, went to the for- 
ests of the interior till he met the Cadodachos Indians, 
who, seeing him in so unhappy a state and being moved 
to compassion, took him to their village, where, having 
completely recovered, he remained seven years with his 
benefactors until, obliged by your order that all traders 
and vagrants should appear in that post, the said Morvan 
did not fail to appear before you, when you arrested and 
imprisoned him, with the intention of conducting his 
trial. 

But, the Indian Tinhiotien, cacique of the Cadoda- 
chos, having come to solicit the release of the prisoner 
in question, alleging that he had been the cause of his 
appearance, and offering to arrest in future all male- 


229 Reply to Document 26. 
230 Bancroft Coll., Louisiana. 





172 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


factors who might go to ask his aid, you convoked the 
principal persons of that place to deliberate upon the 
serious affair, and with one accord you decided to de- 
liver the culprit in question to the Indian cacique, sus- 
pending his trial in consequence; and you conclude by 
asking my approval of so extraordinary a matter. 

To all this I must say that it is very strange that you 
should ask my sanction in a matter which you have 
definitely disposed of. This is not the kind of conduct 
required of lieutenant-governors of Nachitoches and 
Ylinoeses by the instruction which, in conformity with 
our laws, was drawn by order of the Most Excellent 
Senor Don Alejandro O’Reilly and sent to you as a 
guide for everything which might occur in that post and 
that of Ylinoeses, what is treated of at present, no doubt, 
being foreseen. 

This instruction, besides containing other counsels, 
provides that in such cases as the present the lieutenant 
shall institute trials, and, when they are ready for the 
decision, send them to the governor of the province, that 
he may pronounce it according to its merits, the of- 
fenders meanwhile remaining in prison. 

Referring particularly to this case of the said Mor- 
van, you should not have delivered him to the Indian 
cacique mentioned, notwithstanding his promises, be- 
cause by his very demand he belies them and because, 
appeal being made to this superior government, the de- 
cision should have proceeded from it. 

On the other hand, if you had not delivered the cul- 
prit, but had conducted his trial, heard his demurrer, 
given hope to the Indian cacique, inserted his petition 
in the autos,” together with a statement of his fine qual- 
ities, good services, and the firmness of his friendship, 





231 Judicial acts, or the records of the acts. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 = 173 


and transmitted it in that state, as the instruction cited 
requires, sentence would have been pronounced and the 
culprit punished as an example to the rest, and to the 
entire satisfaction of the Indian cacique with respect to 
his petition. Or, the granting of this, in consideration 
of his good services, would have produced the happy 
result that, the culprit, being pardoned for such solid 
reasons and by so authoritative an act, would have left 
to posterity a secure monument of confidence not only 
in himself but in the caciques of the other nations, and 
they, following his example, would come to solicit our 
equitable, faithful, and upright treatment, with uni- 
versal applause of the nation and of its government. 

This glory, it appears, you have wished to have alone, 
and have held a council of the principal persons of that 
village. ‘This, besides being contrary to our laws, ap- 
pears in such a light that only your meritorious be- 
haviour, good conduct, and honest intentions absolve 
you from criminality. 

It gives me great pain to have to repeat my disposi- 
tions with respect to this and other matters, but I must 
do so in order to establish the procedure which should 
be followed in future, with a view to efficiency, better 
service of the king, and the welfare of the state. 

May God our Lord, etc. New Orleans, June 1, 1770. 
Sefior Don Athanasio de Mezieres. 


36. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
PUNE, £0,°'3790 232 


[1] VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR, 
Sir: Pursuant to the superior despatch of your Lord- 
ship ** I have given permission, as you order, to the 


232 Pap, Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 231. 
233 The reference is to a communication written in April (the exact date 
not known) in reply to one by De Méziéres dated March 22. It stated that he 


174 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


families of Acadians to go down to establish themselves 
[on] the banks of the San Luiz River. Enclosed is a 
list of them, designating those who have already set out 
and those who still remain to finish some work which 
they have begun. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. Royal Fort of San Juan Baptista de 
Nachitos. June 10, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 

ATHAN!9O DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


37. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
JUNE to, 1770 234 


[2] VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR, 

Sir: In response to your Lordship’s letters of April 
9g and May 3, past, I have the honor to reply that when- 
ever there is sufficient grain here so that its exportation 
shall not be injurious to these inhabitants, I will supply 
both the presidios of San Agustin de Ahumada *° and 
Los Adaes with it, fulfilling to the letter your Lord- 
ship’s orders, both with respect to payment in advance 
and to the tariff of prices, which I have ordered pub- 
lished. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 


had talked with the representatives of the Acadians and that they insisted on 
going to the Mississippi River to settle with their countrymen, notwithstanding 
the fact that he had told them that he would not aid them. In view of these 
considerations, and of the fact that O’Reilly’s permit to settle at Natchitoches 
“had for its object the greatest relief of these families,” he decided to grant 
their request, and ordered De Méziéres to provide them with the necessary 
passport. [Unzaga y Amezaga to De Méziéres, Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, 
no. 268}. 

234 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 232. 

235 San Agustin de Ahumada was the Spanish presidio on the lower 
Trinity. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 175 


ship many years. Royal Fort of San Juan Baptista de 
Nachitos, June [10], 1770. 
Very illustrious Sir, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant. 
ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


38. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA ?2°¢ 
JUNE 30,\1970 7%" 


{3] VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR, 

Sir: A band of Indians of San Pedro, of the juris- 
diction of Texas, have just come to visit me and have 
promised to bring me at once the head of the Indian who 
killed the persons named Blot and Manziere, and I will 
nail it to one of the stakes of this fort as an example to 
the rest of the nations. 

The cacique of these Indians, whom they call Captain 
Bigotes, has always been very much attached to the 
Spaniards. For this reason there were reserved for 
him, in agreement with Messieurs Edouardo Nugent 
and Don Juan Kelly, one of the medals of his Majesty 
and a flag, and they have just now been delivered to him, 
together with a present, which I very gladly gave him 
and at which he was so pleased that, after having broken 
out in emphatic protestations of gratitude, he told me 
that he would go at once to visit the enemy to persuade 
them to sue for peace; and he has pledged his word that 
if they do not desist from their evil plans he will threaten 
them with war. From this I am more and more con- 
fident of the result for which your Lordship hopes. 

May God guard the important life of your Lordship 
many years. Royal Fort of San Juan Baptista de Nachi- 
tos. June 10, 1770. 


236 See Document 27. 
287 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 233. 


176 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


Very illustrious Sir, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant. 
ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [ rubric}. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


39. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
JUNE VION 770-2 


[5] VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR, 

Sir: Pursuant to the commands of his Excellency 
dated the 22d of last January, I ordered sequestrated 
fifteen horses and mares which a person named Fran- 
cisco Barré*” had bought illegally among the Nada- 
cogs and Naugdozes Indians, of the district of the 
province of Texas. His declaration, together with an 
order for the said sequestration and for the sale at retail 
of the said horses and mares, which was made today for 
the royal fisc, appears in instrument number s. 

Moreover, I ought to have arrested the person of said 
Francisco Barre in order, after two months of imprison- 
ment here, to send him to that capital, as I am required 
to do in such cases; but, my predecessor, M. de Villiers, 
having furnished him with a passport without limit as 
to place or time, the original of which I am sending, it 
has seemed to me that this poor fellow was in no wise to 
blame, and I have contented myself with ordering him 
to go with his mother and family to Punté Cupe, where 
he lived before he began to wander among the Indians. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. Royal Fort of San Juan Baptista de 
Natchitoches. June 10, 1770. 


238 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. rro, no. 235. 

239 Francois Barré declared that he was a native of New Orleans, and a 
resident of Pointe Coupée, and that he had been living two years among the 
Nadacogs and Nacogdoches under a passport from Villiers [Pap. Proc. leg. rro, 
235a]. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 177 


Very illustrious Sir, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 
ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES [rubric ]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


40. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
JUNE 10, 1770 7*° 


[No.7] VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR, 

Sir: Since commerce is the principal sinew of com- . 
monwealths, I well understand that the primary object 
of the one which I govern consists in favoring persons 
of substance and honor who employ their wealth in 
trade. And since M. Voix has these qualities, I shall 
gladly listen to and protect his cashier, M. Jouannis,”* 
in so far as I am able. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. Royal Fort of San Juan de Natchi- 
toches, June 10, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, your most humble servant kisses 
your Lordship’s hand. 

ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES [ rubric ]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


41. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
JUNE 16, 1770 7# 


VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR— SIR: Of the two English- 
men whom | have sent to your Lordship’s presence and 
[notice of whose | return to this villa you deigned to give 
me under date of May 15, last, only Guillermo Ovarden 
[William Warden] has arrived; concerning him and 
Sefior Manuel Monsantto *“* I am punctually fulfilling 
my orders from your Lordship. 


240 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 237. 

241 Also spelled Joanis, Joanisse, etc. 

242 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 48. 

243 Monsanto was a merchant who figured prominently in the correspond- 
ence of the period. 


178 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


There also came the master-cooper Bernardo Auxet, 
and in consequence of what your excellency [ordered | 
me verbally regarding men married in Europe, I told 
him to go and live with his wife: but since she has died, 
and there is no other reason for expelling the said Auzet, 
thanks are due for the license which your Lordship 
deigned to grant him to return, for the trade which he 
follows is very useful to all. 

May God guard your Lordship’s important life many 
years. Royal Fort of San Juan Baptista de Natchi- 
toches. June 16, 1770. 

The hand of your Lordship is kissed by your most 
humble servant. ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 


42. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA *44 
TOUNBiagirgo.es 


[4th] VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR, 
Sir: In virtue of what his Excellency *° ordered me 
in his letter dated January 22, 
You will do everything in your power to the end that the 
white men who are shamelessly established among the Indians 
shall return to their duty, assuring of the protection of the gov- 
ernment those who shall present themselves, except such as may 
have committed vicious murders or other heinous offenses, 
etc., etc. 
I sent to the persons named Ridde and Brognard a safe 
conduct, of which they have taken advantage to return 
to this jurisdiction. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years, Natchitoches, June 27, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, the hind of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 

ATHAN!9 DE MEZIERES. 

Sefior Captain-general. 





244 See Document 34. 
245 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 52. 
246 The reference is to O’Reilly. See Document 6. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 179 


43. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
JUNE 2317700" 


[6th] VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR, 

Sir: Luiz Mesner *** having asked for a permit to 
go to the presidio of Los Adays to recover the horses and 
mules which he had in that neighborhood, proceeded 
so irregularly that, after having collected thirty-nine 
animals, he ordered them taken to Opeluza, without 
notifying me, taking advantage for this purpose of the 
passport which he sought and secured from Don Joseph 
Gonzalez, commandant of that presidio. For this in- 
subordination (to which he is very much inclined, for 
less than six months ago he sent to the place named a 
drove of young bulls in the same way and without per- 
mission) I have fined him ten pesos. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. Nachitoches, June 27, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, your Lordship’s hand is kissed 
by your most humble servant. 

ATHAN!9 DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Senor Captain-general. 


44. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES 
TODYi28.010770 27? 


The Atacapas Indians have complained to me that a 
Spaniard named Sanator,*” a citizen and an inhabitant 
of that post, has robbed one of them, named Nementaa, 
of a horse, for which reason you will cause him to ap- 
pear before you; and if the theft is proved, you will 


247 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 54. 

248 On the same day De Méziéres wrote to Unzaga y Amezaga of a debt 
which Mesnar owed and which could not be collected. [Pap. Proc. de Cuba, 
leg. 188-1, no. 55.] 

249 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 55. Also zbid., leg. 110, no. 278. 

250 On October 23, De Méziéres replied that there was no such person as 
Sanator in his district, but that the reference might be to ‘“‘a certain Salvador 
de la Cerda” [Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 248]. 


180 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


have the horse restored, sending it at the expense of the 
Spaniard in question to the Atacapas in care of M. 
Courtebleau, that he may deliver it to the Indian, as I 
am ordering him in a communication of this date. New 
Orleans, July 28, 1770. 

Sefior Don Atanasio de Mesiere. 


45. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
AUGUST 211770" 


[1] Natchitoches, August 27, 1770. 

VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR — SIR: ‘Three Indians from 
El] Arkansas having appeared in the neighborhood of 
this post without coming to it, they wounded a horse 
with a musket shot and stole others belonging to various 
persons of this post, who are disturbed by it, as is fitting 
so strange and extraordinary a deed. 

As soon as I was notified,” I ordered that men should 
mount on horseback, and to the number of fifteen they 
very willingly set out to pursue these Indians. But as 
the latter had six days the start, they were unable to 
overtake them, and all that has been accomplished is to 
make certain, from the direction which they took, that 
they are of the said Akansa tribe. 

Nothing being so important as to repress such bold- 
ness at the outset, I sent a messenger to the Akansa fort, 
which is distant from this one a hundred and some 
leagues, with letters for its commander, begging him to 
call a gathering of the Indians of his jurisdiction, ascer- 
tain the evildoers, give them, in the presence of all, the 
reprimand which their boldness merits, require them to 


251 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 56. 

252 Bormé said that De Méziéres delayed a month after being notified before 
he did anything: “esto duro el espacio de un mes sin g@ Mr. de Meziers haia 
tomado alguna inguietud como si no hubiera sido comandte” [Memorial of 
Bormé to Unzaga y Amezaga, Nov. 3, 1770. Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, 
no. 74]. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 181 


pay for the animal which they wounded, and return 
those which they have taken off. 

This messenger is accompanied by twelve Natchi- 
toches Indians, bearing his Majesty’s banner and the 
calumet which they use on such occasions, it seeming to 
me plain that, by making this embassy with all the sol- 
emnity possible, these Indians of Akensa must restrain 
themselves in the future, and respect as they ought the 
dominions of our new sovereign. 

The courier mentioned, who left twenty-four days 
ago, I am expecting soon, and I shall have the honor to 
report to your Lordship what success may have resulted 
from his journey. 

Those twelve Natchitoches Indians have gone solely 
in the interest of the public welfare. I merely agreed 
to give the courier, named Juan Brebel, twenty pesos 
for his services, and I beg your Lordship to inform me 
if I may pay it from the money due here to the royal fisc 
and coming from the sale of confiscated goods, in virtue 
of the ordinances of this superior government. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. 

Very illustrious Sir, your Lordship’s hand is kissed 
by your most humble servant, 

ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general. 


[Postscript | 


[13] Natchitoches, August [September] 4, 1770.7 

VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR— SIR: M. de Blan having 
deferred his journey until today, I am enabled to report 
to your Lordship that Juan Bautista Brevel, mentioned 


253 The document bears the date of August 4, but since it is written on the 
same sheet as no. 56, as a postscript, it is clear that the date must be later than 
August 20, therefore I suggest September 4 instead of August 4. 


182 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


above, has just arrived from Los Akancas, whence he 
brought the stolen animals, to the great satisfaction of 
these citizens. ‘his outcome we owe principally to the 
great pains and good government of M. de Maseilliere, 
of the said place and fort of El Akansas. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. Very illustrious Sir, your hand is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 

ATHAN!® DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 

[Endorsement] Messieres No. 1. Answered Sept. 
20,07 70H 


46. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA **4 
AUGUS Tiga 70nr 


[No. 2] Natchitoches, August 21, 1770. 

VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR — SIR: By letters which have 
just reached me from Caodachos, I am informed that 
the Indians, their enemies, have killed a person of that 
pueblo, whereat the rest are greatly angered, in view of 
the suspicion which they entertain that the authors of 
the murder are the Akensas Indians. If this proves to 
be the case there is no doubt that the liveliest hostilities 
will break out between the two nations. Since these 
would be so inimical to the peace of this jurisdiction and 
the neighboring one of Los Adaés, I can do no less than 
advise your Lordship beforehand, in order that you may 
deign to interpose your great authority to the end that 
they may be restrained in the future, and that the Akan- 
sas may be curbed as they should be, it devolving on me 
to quiet as best I can the feelings of the Cadodachos, so 
that there may be no movement on their part. 

God preserve the important life of your Lordship 
many years. 





254 For the reply see Document 48. 
255 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 58. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 = 183 


Very illustrious Sir, your Lordship’s hand is kissed 
by your most humble servant, 
ATHANI®O DE MEZIERES [ rubric ]. 
Senor Captain-general. 
[Endorsement] Messieres No. 2. Answered Sept. 
20, 1770. 


47. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
AUGUST 21,\17707%° 


[ No. 5] Natchitoches, August 21, 1770. 

VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR — SiR: The decree by which 
your Lordship’s highness annulled the decision given by 
me in the case of the five hundred deerskins disputed by 
Antonio Charbonet and Estevan Ruiz, has come to my 
hands and I have read it with due respect. Concerning 
it let me say, for no other reason than to give evidence of 
my good intentions, that as both litigants were impatient 
to pursue their way, complaining of great losses from 
the delay, and as at the time they were going down the 
river they might have suffered the risks and delays 
which are encountered therein when the water is low, 
it was for these reasons that I made my decision, not 
without having repeatedly counseled them to come to 
an agreement [ illegible] for this my decision, which was 
in favor of Esttevan Pavia. With respect to this Doctor 
Bovadilla says: 

Judges must not fail to hear the complaints that may be made 
before them regarding private injuries, especially those of the 
poor, for, saith Saint Luke, ‘‘avenge me of my adversary.” And 
when heard, the judge must not be slow, nor fail because of his 
partiality, or for other reasons, to receive the information from 
them, lest thereby he make his own the plea of others, and be 
punished therefor. Polit. lib. m1, cap. xv, Sec. 87. 


And it being evident that all the trade with the In- 


256 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 61. The name Ruiz is clearly a mis- 
reading for Pavie. 


184 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


dians here, contrary to the dispositions and orders of the 
very illustrious Sefor Don Antonio de Ulloa, was being 
absorbed by the most prominent and powerful person, 
I thought that by virtue of my office I would prevent the 
poor from being beaten out of the slender interests 
which they legitimately had in that trade. The fact 
that this has not been hidden from the never sufficiently 
praised sagacity of your Lordship, has served me as a 
greater stimulus to repress this extraordinary abuse; for 
your Highness concludes his appreciated communica- 
tion of the sixteenth of last March in these solemn 


words: 

Destroying by these means the ambition and tyranny, which, 
with such an infraction of the rights of people and humanity, so 
commended by all nations, have formerly been practiced in that 
post, subjecting all the trade to one hand only, and to the interest 
of one person alone, there resulting from this monopoly odium 
to the nation and contempt for its sovereigns. 


May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. Very illustrious Sir, your Lordship’s 
hand is kissed by your most humble servant. 

ATHAN!9 DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 

[Endorsement] Mezieres No. 5. Answered Sept. 


21) 1770. 


48. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA #7 TO DE MEZIERES 
SEPTEMBER 20, 1770 758 


[No.2] Inletter number 2 dated August 21, you in- 
form me through communications which came from 
Caodachos you learned that one of the Indians of that 
tribe had been killed by Indians hostile to them; that 
not only were they very resentful in consequence, but, it 
was said, also very suspicious that the aggressors were 
the Indians of Akansas; and that because of the dis- 


257 Reply to Document 46. 
258 Bancroft Coll., Louisiana. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 = 185 


turbances which would necessarily result to the districts 
surrounding that one the hostility of both nations was to 
be feared. 

In view of all the circumstances, and assuring me that 
for your part you would do everything possible to quiet 
the Caodachos, who were preparing to rise, you asked 
me to provide the means for the subjection of the In- 
dians of Akansas. I will give my orders to this end, 
having confidence that you will do all you promise, and 
with the moderation which is necessary justly to govern 
and direct savages. 

May God preserve you many years. New Orleans, 
Sept. 20, 1770. LUIS DE UNZAGA [rubric]. 
Sefior Don Athanacio de Mezieres. 


49. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
SEPTEMBER 27, 1770 75° 


Natchitoches, September 27, 1770. 
SENOR CAPTAIN GENERAL— SIR: I have the honor 
to report to your Lordship that the Nadadakious or San 
Pedro Indians, who last winter killed two Frenchmen 
and a Spaniard, as I reported to your Lordship at the 
time, have granted my just request that they should make 
recompense for this great perfidy with the death of the 
perpetrators. As a consequence the rest of the nations 
have and will have respect for us, and we will experi- 
ence the inestimable benefit of having them for vassals 
of his Majesty. 
May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. 
Sefior Captain-general, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 
ATHAN!9 DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 





259 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 244. 


186 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


50. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
OCTOBER 23, 1770 7° 


Natchitoches, October [2]3, 1770.*° 

SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL— SIR: ‘Taking advantage 
of this mail, the cause of whose despatch is explained in 
those which follow, I have the honor to report to your 
Lordship my return from Cadodachos, and that with 
the departure of the canoes which are now being pre- 
pared to take the tobacco which they have been able to 
load, I will send the account of this journey, happily ac- 
complished by the superior order of your Lordship. 

May God guard and prosper the important life of 
your Lordship many years. 

Sefior Captain-general, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 

ATHAN!9 DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 

Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 

[Endorsement] Answered Nov. 19, 1770. 


51. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
OCTOBER (23) 1770477 


LIN Oni Natchitoches, October 23, 1770°° 

SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL— SIR: Just as I was ready 
to set out for the Cadodachos I met in the presidio of 
Los Adaes the Indians of San Pedro, or Nabedakious, 
coming to inform me that they had executed a person of 


260 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 245. 

261 The transcript gives the date October 3, but this is impossible, since De 
Méziéres had not returned to Natchitoches at that time. His return was about 
October 21, and as several letters were despatched by him on the 23d, it is 
probable that the correct date of this one is October 23. See Documents 51, 
52, 53) 54- 

262 Pap, Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 246. 

263 The transcript gives the date as October 29, but it is clearly the 23d, in 
view of the documents which follow. In manuscripts of this period the figures 
3 and 9 are sometimes very hard to distinguish. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 187 


their nation,** who, with the aid of one of the Nacog- 
doches (who is a fugitive and whom those of his pueblo 
are actively pursuing to mete out to him the same fate), 
killed the two Frenchmen and the Spaniard of whom I 
reported in my official communication of the 15th of last 
May, number 3. Since this desirable satisfaction was 
secured by force of suggestions and not by harshness, I 
report it to your Lordship as an incontestable proof of 
the zeal, respect, and love which those heathen manifest 
for us. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. Sefor Captain-general, the hand of 
your Lordship is kissed by your most humble servant, 

ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 

[Minute of reply] I rejoice as though the report 

which the Indians gave you were true. 


52. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
OCTOBER 23, 1770 7% 


[No. 8] Natchitoches, October 23, 1770. 

SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL— SIR: The canoes are 
taking all the tobacco they have been able to find. The 
crop would have been larger if the rumor which was 
spread of its fall in prices had not discouraged the in- 
habitants. In truth, if perchance this branch of com- 
merce might be restored, it would be their best means of 
supporting their families; for if what is said regarding 
the demolition of the presidio of los Adaés and San 
Agustin del Orcoquisas *** is true, they will be com- 


264 De Meéziéres gives an instance in 1775 in which a Frenchman was pun- 
ished with death and his head placed on a pole at Natchitoches for the murder 
of two Indians. 

265 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 249. 

266 The reference is to the proposal to withdraw these establishments, a 
measure which was actually carried out in the years 1772-1773. 


188 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


pletely without opportunity to sell their grain, sole re- 
course which remained to them. We all thank your 
Lordship for the present favor, not doubting that you, 
who are father of the commonwealth and protector of 
the poor, will continue it if it is possible. 

May God preserve your Lordship as many years as 
he is able and as I desire. 

Sefior Captain-general, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 
| ATHAN!9 DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


53. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
OCTOBER 23) 17707" 


[ No. 9] Natchitoches, October 23, 1770. 

SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL— SIR: I beg that your 
Lordship will please have it suggested to M. Ranson 
that he take advantage of the canoes which are down the 
river to bring up the presents to be given in the spring 
to the Cadodacho and Yatassi nations, because, al- 
though it is yet early, it is better to send these goods 
ahead of time, while there is an opportunity, than to 
have to wait for them when they are needed and there 
is nO opportunity. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. | 

Senor Captain-general, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 

ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 

Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


267 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 250. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 189 


54. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA ** 
OCTOBER 23,4770" 


[No. ro] Natchitoches, October 23, 1770. 
SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL— SIR: Some inhabitants 
of this district have come to see me to request that I give 
them my permission and a passport to take by land to 
Los Ylinuenses a drove of horses, which, considering the 
good prices there, they will trade for the goods which 
are found in that place; but since such journeys have not 
been customary here, I have preferred not to grant their 
petition till after consulting with your Lordship. 

God preserve the important life of your Lordship 
many years. Sefor Captain-general, your hand is kissed 
by your most humble servant. 

ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


55. DE MEZIERES TO GONZALEZ 27° 
OCTOBER 26, 177027 


MY MOST VENERATED LORD AND MASTER: I transmit 
to you my letters for the Baron de Ripperda, to whom 
I have the honor of sending the same official report as 
that which I am directing to the captain-general of this 
province respecting those nations and their present dis- 
position. 

I shall not fail to tell the baron of the great satisfac- 
tion which I find in the sweet and amiable treatment ac- 
corded me by you and of the gratitude which I feel and 


268 For the reply see Document 63. 

269 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 82. 

270 José Gonzalez was at this time in command of the presidio of Los Adaes. 
He entered the service in Texas early in life and remained in it until his death 
in 1773, which occurred at Nacogdoches, while he was executing an order to 
remove all the settlers from the eastern frontier of Texas: See Bolton, in the 
Texas State Historical Association, Quarterly, vol. ix, 82. 

271 Prov. Int., vol. 100. 


190 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


shall always render for the many honors for which I am 
your debtor; finally, I shall certainly tell him what you 
are doing to aid in whatever offers for the greatest good 
of the service of both majesties, and that in this partic- 
ular you go farther than your limited means in the way 
of goods and salary would appear to permit you. 

With respect to all this and much more which I might 
add, there is no need for you to express thanks; I speak 
the simple truth; and if I were to say what I might wish, 
I would have to overstate it, and thereby discredit such 
deserved emphasis. 

I am sending to the Sefior Governor (as you have sug- 
gested that I should do) my little account, properly 
itemized, with the prices, which, I predict, he will con- 
sider very moderate, judging from those which are 
current here, because on the goods which by your orders 
were taken from my house (and which were not for sale, 
but for my personal use) J make no profit, but have fur- 
nished them at the price which they cost me, and this in 
the most prosperous times. 

Let me inform you that the account includes the three 
barrels of flour belonging to his most Christian Majesty, 
which I sent. That is to say, two to you and one to the 
Sefior Sergeant. ‘Their cost is five pesos*” per barrel, 
which I have already paid to the royal treasury from 
my salary. 

Likewise, I include the eight barrels of beans which 
I furnished from last year’s harvest and which you will 
remember. Indeed, I have all of your letters and re- 
ceipts; and it happens, to give better evidence, that you 
once took the beans which were destined for the father 
president. 

Please remember, likewise, Sir, the hundred azum- 
"212 ‘The peso is the Spanish dollar. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 191 


bres ** of lard which I have paid to Antonio Charbonet; 
item, four pesos’ worth of soap and sugar which were 
supplied at your order to Sefior Zerda; item, the fifty 
barrels of maize which they carried in my launch, and 
which made one hundred, twenty-five in the ear, etc. 

I remain at the orders of my Lady Dofia Gerttrudis, 
whose feet I kiss, and await your commands, which I 
will obey promptly and with pleasure. 

May God preserve you the many happy years which 
he is able and which I desire. Natchitoches, October 


20) 1770. 
Your most faithful and obedient servant kisses your 
hands. ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 


Sefior Commandant D® J» Gonzales. 
[Endorsement] Answered on the 30th of October, 


1770. 
56. GONZALEZ TO DE MEZIERES, OCTOBER 30, 1770 2"* 


My MOST BELOVED MASTER: With unspeakable 
pleasure I yesterday received your esteemed letter dated 
the 26th ultimo, in which you inform me that you are 
sending to my governor the same official report as that 
which you are making to the governor of that colony, 
relative to the occurrences of your journey with the Rev- 
erend Father President Fray Miguel de Santa Maria y 
Silva to the nation of the Caudachos for the purpose of 
effecting the promised peace with the nations that 
trouble these provinces. It also approves the little that 
I have done to bring this peace about by means of my 
small faculties in the way of goods and salary, in respect 





273 An azumbre is a measure of liquids of varying magnitude. That of 
Castile is equal to 2.016,618 liters; that of Guipuzcoa, 2.52 liters, and that of 
Viscaya, 2.22 liters [Diccionario Enciclopédico de la Lengua Espanola (Madrid, 
1872) ]. 

274 Prov. Int., vol. 100. 


192 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


to which, nevertheless, you have acknowledged my 
punctuality. I thank you most heartily, and will remit 
to the Sefior Governor the packet which you send me. 

All the rest which you write me, with respect to what 
you have supplied for the welfare of these troops, is cor- 
rect. Concerning this I have written to the Sefor Gov- 
ernor of what has occurred, in conformity with the data 
which you were pleased tosend me. Since for the pres- 
ent I have nothing more to say except to reiterate my 
compliments, and, at her feet, to repeat my due respects 
to your Lady, and to proffer for mine due thanks, I beg 
that our Lord may prosper your life many years. 

Adaes, October 30, 1770. Your faithful servant 
kisses your Grace’s hand, which he venerates. 

JPH. GONZALEZ. 

D» Atanacio de Mesieres. 


57, UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES 
NOVEMBER 27, 1770275 


Monsieur Borme, militia captain of the post of 
Natchitoches, will take testimony herebelow, before two 
witnesses, as to whether the island on which anciently 
was founded the fort called San Juan Baptista is de- 
serted, to whom it belongs, its quality, extent, and how 
far it is distant from terra firma; when it is done he will 
send it to me.” 

New Orleans, November 27, 1770. 


275 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 248a. 

276 This document has an important bearing on the first location of the 
presidio of Natchitoches. It shows clearly that the present site of Natchitoches 
is not, as some local students of that place have supposed, the island on which 
the fort was originally founded. See the discussion of the occurrences with 
reference to the removal of the fort from the island to terra firma in 1735- 
1756, in Altamira’s Testimonio de un Parecer, published in the appendix of the 
original edition of Yoakum’s History of Texas. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 193 


58. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 27 
NOVEMBER 29, 1770 278 


[ No. 4] Natchitoches, November 29, 1770. 

SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL— SIR: In my _ former 
letter dated August 21, number 2, I informed your 
Lordship of the death of a principal Indian of the Cado- 
dachos, and of the suspicion that the Akansas were re- 
sponsible for it; but it has been ascertained that it was 
the Osages. 

Therefore I take the liberty to suggest to you how im- 
portant it would be for the peace of this district if the 
Osages should refrain from such continuous insults and 
hostilities, which may finally cause painful conse- 
quences. ‘This was on the point of happening two years 
ago when the cacique Tinhiotien, while pursuing a band 
of Osages who were running off a drove of horses stolen 
from his pueblo, encountered two chiefs of that nation 
in the house of a certain trader residing on the Akansas, 
whose establishment had gained among the Indians of 
this jurisdiction the reputation of having been founded 
for the purpose of supplying the Osages when they 
should undertake their forays. So grave a truth could 
not be concealed from the cacique, for a complete sup- 
ply of all effects and the asylum enjoyed by his enemies 
were manifest to his sight, a circumstance at which he 
was so indignant that he ordered his people to kill the 
Osages at once; and he would have done the same with 
the merchant if he had not been restrained by the love 
which he constantly professes for our nation. 

The outcome of such outrageous doings was the mu- 
tual resentment of both parties, for thus the cacique 
Tinhioten was affected, and with reason, in view of the 





277 See Documents 26, 30, 46, 59. 
278 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 80. 


194 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


friendship which the Frenchman showed for his ene- 
mies; but he was able to restrain himself. The Osages, 
however, who do not practice the same moderation, be- 
ing no less angry at the said Frenchman, because he 
consented that his guests should be killed in his own 
house and before his own eyes, gathered to avenge the 
wronguponhim. He prudently absented himself from 
so dangerous a place, but they did not on this account 
wish to fail to carry out their enterprise, and it was con- 
cluded by the killing of a poor fellow named Dauteuil, 
his wife, and his children. 

Thus it is that from a vile and despicable self-interest 
proceed such sad disturbances. Having already re- 
ported to your Lordship what takes place among the 
vagabonds of the Akansas River, I refrain from further 
staining the paper with an account of their illicit deal- 
ings and licentious lives. 

Returning to my subject, let me say that the most ef- 
fective way to establish peace and quiet in the territories 
of this district will be to forbid the Osages and Cado- 
dachos from crossing the Akansas River, each confining 
themselves to the abundant chase which they will find 
in their respective districts. And since both are friendly 
to our nation, and since in case of any emergency which 
may arise they can give their aid, as has been experi- 
enced in the past, it is repugnant not only to humanity 
but also to good policy that they should constantly water 
with their blood the states of the common sovereign, 
when they would do so much better to save it, either to 
increase the trade of his subjects or for their defense. 

I owe to the Cadodachos the sincere testimony that 
they are docile, and that whatever they may be ordered 
to do by your Lordship they will do gladly. And, al- 
though here the Osages appear haughty and bold, 
neither will they deny anything that your Lordship may 


one} CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 195 


cause to be suggested to them by the commander of Los 
Ylinuenses, whom they respect and fear. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. 

Sefior Captain-general, your Lordship’s hand is kissed 
by your most humble servant, 

ATHAN!°O DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 

Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


59. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES *° 
DECEMBER 1, 17707 


To number 4 of the same date, in which you suggest 
to me the advantage which would result to the peace of 
that post and the tranquillity of the savage nations if 
the Osages and Cadodachos were not permitted to cross 
the Akansas River, for the reasons which you set forth, 
I have nothing to say except that you will do what you 
think proper in such a case, since you have the matter 
before you, and since the command of your territory has 
been entrusted to your judgment. 

May God preserve you many years. New Orleans, 
December 1, 1770. 

Sefior Don Athanacio de Mezieres. 


60. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES 2** 
DECEMBER 1, 1770 2% 


By number s, I am informed that the Indians of San 
Pedro have reported to you that they have given satis- 
faction for the murder of one of our people committed 
by one of this nation. If the report is true, I rejoice at 
the good will of these Indians. 

To number 2, in which you inform me of your 





279 Compare Document 58, dated November 29. 

280 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 79. 

281 Reply to Document 51 and to another letter by De Méziéres. 
282 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 254. 


196 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





friendly relations with the governor of Los Adaes, the 
Baron de Ripperda, my reply is “This is well;” and in 
order to maintain them you will do whatever is possible, 
which will give me great pleasure. 

May God spare you many years. New Orleans, De- 
cember 1, 1770. 
Sefior Don Athanacio de Mezieres. 


61. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES 
DECEMBER 20297028 


I repeat what I have said regarding what you tell me 
in number 6, to the effect that in the spring the man 
named Francisco Morvan will come down, although 
his decision is to be doubted, because once these people 
become accustomed from being with the savages to their 
own wild ways, they forget entirely good breeding, civ- 
ilization, and religion as well. 

You will continue the measure provided for in my 
decision regarding the petition of the cacique of Calidos, 
in order to rescue this poor man from the miserable life 
he is leading and that here he may be brought to a ra- 
tional life, which I desire through natural compassion. 

May God preserve you many years. New Orleans, 
December 2, 1770. 

Sefior Don Athanacio de Mezieres. 


62. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES ** 
DECEMBER 2, 1770 78 


The order which by number 9 you ask me to issue to 
M. Razon to the end that he may take advantage of the 
canoes and furnish in them beforehand the presents 
which are to be given to the nations of the Cadodachos 





283 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. rro, no. 280. 
284 Reply to Documents 52 and 53. 
285 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 279. 


one] CONDITIONS ON THE FRONTIER, 1768-1770 197 


and Yatasés, I have omitted to give, and advisedly, be- 
cause it would be idle to remove a man who is under my 
orders, as is also the remittance which you ask me for. 
Everything will be done in due time. You need not 
worry, for I shall take the necessary care. 

With regard to the worry over the tobacco of which 
you tell me in number 8, I should desire for those citi- 
zens that they might be afforded occasions like the pres- 
ent every day. This cannot be assured, but, nevertheless, 
they should not be discouraged in their labor. God will 
provide them the means for selling their tobacco. It is 
worse that they should be idle, for honest employment is 
always good for a person; and finally, to say the least, it 
cannot fail to furnish them a living. 

May God preserve you many years. New Orleans, 
December 2, 1770. 

Sefior Don Athanacio de Mezieres. 


63. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES 28 
DECEMBER 2, 177027 


With regard to the license which the inhabitants of 
that district ask to take horses to the Ylinuenses, and of 
which you advise me in letter number 10, let me say that 
if you find no objection, and no conflict between the ex- 
pedition and the special instructions of your command, 
you may permit it. 

God preserve you many years. New Orleans, De- 
cember 2, 1770. 


286 Reply to Document 54. 
287 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 81. 


A fae yh 
1A Yella, Fy A 


if 4 ey, it 


iM fue y fi 





Il. THE CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS 
WITH THE NATIONS OF THE NORTH, 1770 


64. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
MAY .20; 179070 


[1ST] VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR, 

Sir: I have the honor to inform your Lordship that 
sometime during the month of the coming August the 
chiefs of the Comanchez and other enemies, each with 
the principal men of his village, are to assemble in that 
of the Cadodachos, according to the formal promise 
given me by the cacique Tinhiotien (who is held in very 
high esteem by all of them) to go and try to gather them 
and take them to his village, and, as soon as they are 
there, to report the fact to me, so that I may go in per- 
son to meet with them. In view of this, I earnestly beg 
your Lordship to grant me your permission, and, at the 
same time, to instruct me as to what I should do. ‘This, 
it seems to me, is to bring those chiefs here, and, those of 
the friendly nations having been notified by me, to go 
with them to the Royal Presidio of Los Adaés, head of 
the province of Texas, in order that, in the name of his 
Majesty (your Lordship being the generous mediator of 
their pardon), and in the presence of the governor, 
Sefior Don Juan Maria, Baron de Riperda,’” and upon 
condition that they give full evidence of humility and 
repentance for their past insults, they be granted the 
treaties which are so important to the quiet of that dis- 


288 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 222. 
289 Ripperda became governor of Texas in 1770 and continued in that office 
till 1778. 


200 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 





turbed province of Tejas. After this important cere- 
mony has been completed, I ought to take them to their 
respective villages to take possesion, raise the royal 
standard, and receive the artillery which, with such 
disgrace to our arms, was left there by General Don 
Diego Orttiz Parrilla in the year 1759. 

May God preserve and prosper the important life of 
your Lordship many years. Fort of San Juan Baptista 
de Natchitoches. May 20, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, your hand is kissed by your most 
humble servant. ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES [rubric ]. 
Senior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


65. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
MAY ,20;' 17707" 


VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR—SIR: It being necessary 
that I should give presents to the Indian chiefs of whom 
I have just spoken, with a view to promoting their good 
disposition and rewarding them for the labor and fa- 
tigues which they will have incurred in their long jour- 
ney from their pueblos to this place, I find indispensable 
the goods which I list in the accompanying memoran- 
dum. And, fearful that they may be denied me, as I 
have no funds on hand with which to buy them, I hope 
that your Lordship will favor me by interceding with 
M. Ranzon, to whom [ am applying, that he may fur- 
nish them for me, on condition that they will be paid for 
from my income, from the coming month of June for- 
ward until they are entirely covered; for as I have 
bound myself with a strict and inviolable obligation to 
avoid any expense to the royal hacienda, however urgent 
the cause may be, I am far from thinking of doing so on 
this occasion, first, because it might happen through 


290 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 224. 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 201 


some accident or some unforeseen event that my project 
might not succeed ; secondly, because my whole pleasure 
is to employ in the service of my master the salary which 
his royal mercy has deigned to assign me; thirdly, be- 
cause, if my plan should succeed, as I am confident it 
will, I shall be amply rewarded by having served God 
and his Majesty, and having gained the esteem of your 
Lordship, which will always be the Hel crown to which 
my ardent hopes aspire. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many nappy years. Fort of San Juan Baptista de 
Natchitoches, May 20, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant. 

ATHAN!9 DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


[Enclosure | 


List of goods which I request of M. Ranzon, on con- 
dition of paying for them from my income, beginning 
with the month of June next and continuing until they 
are entirely paid for. It is important that I should 
have these goods to make presents to the chiefs of the 
Comanchéz, Taowiaiazes, Tauacanas, Yscanis, Tancaou- 
eys, and Quitseys, whom [I expect in the coming month 
of August, to arrange for the establishment of the gen- 
eral peace between these Indians and the presidios of 
his Majesty. 

Three flags 

A quintal and a half of powder 

Twelve arrobas of balls 

Twenty fusils 

Twenty pickaxes 

Twenty hatchets 


Twenty dozen pocket knives and hunter’s knives 


202 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 





Twelve pounds of vermillion 

Two arrobas of beads, white, blue, and red 

‘Twenty-four staple shirts 

‘Twenty-four mirrors 

An assortment of awls, needles, worm screws, steels, scissors, and 
combs 

Twenty-four blankets, of three points 

Ten pounds of coarse copper wire 


[Endorsement] Letters of M. De Mezieres which 
were not answered. 


66. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
PUNE 29179007 


[3D] VERY ILLUSTRIOUS SIR, 

Sir: JI am informed by the Nacogdochéz Indians, 
who have just visited me, that the Taouaiches nation 
has been joined recently by another numerous tribe from 
the Missuris, namely, the Panis-maha,*” and that these 
two, having joined the Tuacanas, Caranaméz, and 
Maheys,”” have gone at the instigation of the Coman- 
chéz, who are accompanying and guiding them, to at- 
tack the Sefior Baron de Ripperda when he goes from 
the presidio of San Antonio de Vexar to that of Los 
Adays; and although by way of Cadodachos I have 
learned that this gathering of savage heathendom has no 
other object than [to attack] the Osages, their irrecon- 
cilable enemies, I have not neglected to report it to Don 


291 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 51. 

292 Panimachas, Panimaha, Pani Mahaws, Wolf Pawnee, Pawnee Loup, 
etc.; properly called the Skidi. This tribe is one of the four forming the 
Pawnee confederacy. ‘Their traditional home is the Loup River, Nebraska. 
The movement southward of this tribe in the later eighteenth century was un- 
known to ethnologists until the De Méziéres documents were discovered. 
Down to 1874 the main body of the Skidi remained in Nebraska. See Hand- 
book of American Indians, part ii, under ‘Skidi.” 

293 Mayeye, a Tonkawan tribe. For a note on this tribe, see Bolton in 
Hodge’s Handbook of American Indians (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulle- 
lin 30), part i, under “Mayeye.” 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 203 


Joseph Gonzales, who no doubt will take suitable meas- 
ures in the matter; for from such people one must ex- 
pect the worst, in order to take the precautions necessary 
to avert it. 

I humbly repeat to your Lordship my sincere request 
that you grant me permission to go to the pueblos of 
these Indians, which certainly will be the most effective 
method of inducing them to sue for peace, for I will dis- 
pel the harmful notions which have been inculcated in 
them by the abandoned and perverse people who con- 
stantly go there from the Rio del Akansa and Los 
Ylinuezes. In this enterprise I will gladly sacrifice 
my person and my goods. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many years. Natchitoches, June 27, 1770. 

Very illustrious Sir, your Lordship’s hand is kissed 
by your most humble servant, 

ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 


67. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES 
SEPTEMBER 20, 1770 2% 


[No. 3] The journey which you have planned to 
undertake to Cadodachos to receive the nations of the 
Tatiaiares, Juacanas, Tancatieys, Caranames, Yscanes, 
and Quieseys, who were formerly hostile but now ask 
for peace (with a view to granting which you go,” as 
you inform me in letter number 3 of August 21, under 
the capitulations which you enclose to me), appears to 
me very desirable. You may execute it, confident of 
my approbation, and may assure the Indians of the 
good faith with which we treat our friends, of the hu- 


294 Bancroft Coll., Louisiana. 

295 “Con la idea de darselo’” is ambiguous, it not being clear whether the 
author’s meaning is that of the rendering given above, or that the Indians had 
asked for peace with the idea of yielding it. 


204 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


manity which his subjects and good vassals receive from 
the sovereign of Spain, of the reward for favors, of the 
punishment for delinquencies, and, in short, of every- 
thing which you may judge calculated to influence them 
to constancy toward and love for the Spanish nation. 

Apropos of the wise precautions which you tell me 
you have taken to prevent them from exploring those 
posts, I think that you ought to make sure that the peace 
which they ask is single-minded, pure, and free from 
any criminal machinations. Be cautious, and proceed 
in everything with the policy which these and similar 
cases demand. 

May God preserve you many years. New Orleans, 
Sept. 20, 1770. LUIS DE UNZAGA [rubric]. 

P.S. If you go to receive these Indians you will en- 
trust the command during your absence to the captain 
of militia. 
Sefior Don Athanacio de Mezieres. 


68. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
SEPTEMBER 27, 1770 7% 


Natchitoches, September 27, 1770. 

SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL— SIR: There came to this 
fort to-day three Indian chiefs who are greatly esteemed 
and have large followings among the rest of the natives, 
for the purpose of taking me to Cadodachos, where al- 
ready are assembled the nations concerning which in a 
former letter, dated August 21, I had the honor to re- 
port to your Lordship, saying that I was obliged to 
accompany them in order not to spoil (as might happen 
if I should deny their eager petitions) the fruits of the 
good and sincere dispositions of such people. Hitherto 
they have been our enemies, but at the powerful impulse 





296 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 243. 


one] CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 205 


of your Lordship’s voice, constantly repeated by mine 
(which will always be your faithful echo), they have 
congregated eagerly *” and from the most remote north, 
in order to effect the peace which in the name of your 
Lordship and as your agent I have promised them, and 
from which no doubt will result the quieting of the dis- 
turbed neighboring provinces. And, although I am 
persuaded on good grounds that this object is the highest 
to which I can devote myself, nevertheless, I grieve to 
see that for lack of opportunity and because fate is 
against me, I have not had the good fortune, which I so 
much desire, to receive the last orders and instructions, 
sure guide for my conduct, which your Lordship 
deigned to issue to me in your appreciated communica- 
tion of the sixteenth of last March. ‘This has caused me 
the greatest irresolution, which has been dispelled only 
by the well founded suspicion and fear that if I do not 
set out the nations mentioned will become disgusted, 
attributing to fickleness and lack of courage on my part 
what should be attributed to my due respect, and, there- 
fore, making difficult and even impossible their congre- 
gation and conquest in the future. Moreover, judging 
from my experience with their ferocity, since this is the 
time when they assemble to go to steal and make war, 
it would not be surprising if on account of their anger 
some new enterprise should be set on foot against the 
subjects and presidios of his Majesty. Therefore, and 
in view of my intentions, which I protest are those of a 
most loyal subject, I humbly beg your Lordship to ap- 
prove my unavoidable departure, assuring you that my 
absence from this post will not be more than a month, 
and that on my return I will place before your superior 
notice a very detailed and I trust in God a very favor- 





297 A pesuozamente, Fr. empressement. 


206 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


able report regarding the conclusion of this highly im- 
portant negotiation. 

May God preserve the life of your Lordship the many 
happy years which I desire. 

Sefior Captain-general, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 

ATHAN!9 DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 

Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


69. REPORT BY DE MEZIERES OF THE EXPEDITION 
TO CADODACHOS, OCTOBER 29, 1770 2% 


Official Relation by the lieutenant-governor of Natchi- 

toches to the captain-general of Luisiana concerning the 

expedition which, by order of his Lordship, he made to 

Cadodachos to treat with the hostile tribes whose chiefs 
met in that village 


Fort San Juan Baptista de Natchitoches, 

October 29, 1770. 

SIR: I have just returned from the village of San 
Luiz de Cadodachos, where I went in conformity with 
your Lordship’s orders. ‘There accompanied me, be- 
sides the sub-lieutenant of militia and five other persons 
of this post, who generously and disinterestedly joined 
me, a sergeant and four soldiers of the presidio of Los 
Adaes. I am indebted to Dn. Joss Gonzales for the 
grant of this detachment. We both thought it would 
be very important, in an enterprise so much to the in- 
terest of the royal service, that all of the Indians should 
be witnesses of the close union which to-day exists be- 
tween the subjects of the two jurisdictions; for, the love 
which these Indians have professed for the French since 
the time of our coming being notorious, it was to be pre- 
sumed that they would profess it no less for the Span- 





298 Prov. Int., vol. 20. Also ibid., vol. 100. 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 207 


iards, to whom, they would be given to understand, we 
have the happiness of seeing ourselves forever annexed 
by the special grace and favor of the Catholic sov- 
ereign.”” 

The Most Reverend Father de Santa Maria, presi- 
dent of the missions of the district of Los Adaes, also was 
pleased to make this journey, notwithstanding the con- 
tinual feebleness of his health.*° His ardent zeal has 
brought me no little harmony, because it afforded an 
opportunity to impress upon the barbarian Indians with 
whom I proposed to treat— who had sacrilegiously killed 
at the foot of the altars, when the mission of San Saba 
was sacked by them, two ministers of the same habit, 
though not of the same college *”*—by showing my re- 
spect for that worthy religious, the respect with which 
they ought to regard all of his seraphic order whom 
they might meet in the future, they being the ones 
charged with the conversion of infidels in the adjacent 
province of Texas. 

After having passed through the bands of the Adays, 
Yatassi, and Peticado,*” where we found most abundant 


299 The reference, of course, is to the cession of Louisiana to Spain by 
France, in 1762. 

300 Fray Miguel de Santa Maria y Silva was a member of the College of 
Guadalupe de Zacatecas which, since 1730, when the College of Santa Cruz 
de Querétaro withdrew from that region, had been in charge of all the missions 
of eastern Texas. See his report of the expedition of 1770 to Cadodachos, 
Document 133. 

301 The mission of San Saba had been founded jointly by the colleges of 
Santa Cruz de Querétaro and San Fernando de México. The two missionaries 
killed during the attack were Fray Giraldo de Terreros, ex-guardian of the 
College of Santa Cruz de Querétaro, and Fray José de Santiestevan. [Bonilla, 
Breve Compendio, in the Texas State Historical Association, Quarterly, vol. 
viii; Molina’s “Relacion” in Memorias de Nueva Espana, vol. 28.] 

302 See map. For notes on each of these tribes, see Handbook of American 
Indians. Peticado was the French name for Little Caddo or Lower Caddo 
[Petit Caddo]. See also Document 4. It may be noted that the original here 
reads “de los Adaes, del Yatassi, y del Peticado.” ‘This fact has some bear- 
ing on the forms of the names in use. 


208 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


supplies prepared—so much the more to be appreciated 
because of the visible affection of the natives who offered 
them, who failed not to hoist the flag of his Majesty in 
order to render to it profound veneration—we arrived 
at Cadodachos, not without having considerably aug- 
mented our number by the addition of the caciques and 
principal men of these villages, who gladly and of their 
own accord joined us.*” 

The village of San Luiz de Cadodachos, which be- 
longs to this district, is one hundred leagues from the 
fort of Natchitoches and eighty from the Akensas. Sit- 
uated on the banks of the Colorado River,*™ it is sur- 
rounded by pleasant groves and plains, is endowed 
with lands of extreme fertility, and abounds in salines 
and pastures. If to these advantages of the place there 
be added the great loyalty of its inhabitants and the im- 
portance of their territory which, with respect to neigh- 
boring foreigners,*” should be considered the master-key 
of New Spain, it is undoubtedly well worthy of the 
favor with which the enlightened sagacity of your Lord- 
ship is pleased to distinguish it. 

The cacique, Tinhiotien, a man of talent and of great 
authority in all of the neighboring bands, commanded, 
on the very day of our arrival, that there be announced 
for the following day a meeting of the magnates and old 
men of his jurisdiction, and cited to appear at it the 
seven chiefs of the Tavaiazés, Tuacanas, Iscanis, and 
Quitseys. These alone were awaiting me there, because 
at the Sabinas River a panic had seized the people whom 
they were bringing, from fear that the meeting was 


303 For more details on this part of the journey, see the account by Father 
Santa Maria, Document 133. 
804 This is the name given to the Natchitoches River, which is distinct from 
the Colorado, near the Guadalupe. — Ori. 
805 The English, who are only three leagues from our fort of the Akensas. 
— ORIG. 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 209 


called not so much to assure them that the atrocities 
committed by them were forgotten, as in order that by 
ill-advisedly and rashly delivering them up, their pun- 
ishment might be effected—a thought worthy of bar- 
barians, and from which the chiefs mentioned freed 
themselves only through having more valor than the 
rest. 

The harangue which I made to these latter was es- 
sentially as follows: 


That at last had come the much-wished-for day when I was 
permitted to tell them by word of mouth of the matters which I 
had already communicated by means of the friendly tribes; that 
for this purpose I gladly came at the command of the captain- 
general of Luiziana, my chief, father and protector of the In- 
dians ; that it was his wish to be fully informed of their disposition 
and that, if this seemed to me good, I had orders to assure them 
of his benevolence; that they already must have realized that the 
present time was different from that when plentiful assistance, 
not only for their support and for that of their families, but also 
for resisting their enemies was furnished them through Natch- 
itoches; that the great abuse (worthy of eternal silence since 
with remembrance of it alone one’s eyes were filled with tears), 
which they had made of this aid, was the just reason for having 
suspended it and for continuing to suspend it until we should be 
fully assured of their better conduct; that they could not doubt, 
in view of that respectable flag which they saw hoisted, that we 
had become naturalized as Spaniards; that our new and beloved 
monarch was the most powerful in the world, and emperor of the 
Indies; that, notwithstanding the fact that they had gained the 
indignation of so high a prince —the illustrious chief whom I 
represented and for whom I spoke in this small portion of his 
extensive dominions — he would grant them the peace which they 
had come to seek if they would but show themselves constantly 
deserving of such a boon; that the clemency and the magnanimity 
of the Catholic king equalled his immense power; that those of 
his subjects on whom he looked with the most love and com- 
passion were the natives; that he pitied their helplessness and 
wished to remedy it; that the wish of this illustrious sovereign 


210 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


was that in the future none of them should be slaves *°* of his 
other subjects, but their brothers instead; that they should de- 
cide whether they wished to enjoy such august patronage and aid; 
that for the reasons expressed they should desist from robberies 
and hostilities ; that finally, and it would not be long, they would 
bring upon themselves the imponderable weight of his invincible 
arms; that they should profit by the good example and inviolable 
fidelity of the friendly Cadodachos, whose hands, far from hav- 
ing been stained with our blood, had been dedicated, at the cost 
of their own, to the defense of our lives, when the ferocious 
Natchez threatened them by their invasion of Natchitoches, a 
deed worthy of the greatest applause, and one which for all time 
will receive the gratitude which it merits; °°? that they should 
look to the north, at the Osages; to the west, at the Comanches; 
to the south, at the Apaches; and to the east, at the Spaniards of 
Luisiana, all their enemies; that they were placed in the midst of 
four fires, which, raising their horrible flames, would reduce 
them to ashes as easily as the voracious fire consumes the dry 
grass of the meadows; that they should inform me of the decision 
they had made in so obvious and so frightful a situation; that they 
should, above all, refrain from moving their lips to invent ex- 
cuses which sooner or later their deeds would belie; and finally, 
that they should rest assured that there was no hope for aid ex- 
cept under the conditions above expressed, since the very name of 
Frenchman had been erased and forgotten; that we were Span- 
iards, and, as such, as sensitive to the outrages committed as we 
would be interested in avenging them as soon as they might be 
resumed; that that grave and venerable man at whose side I was 
seated, held by us in the greatest esteem, was, as they could see 
by the grey habit that he wore, a companion of those of the same 
garb, whom, though helpless, they had exultantly beheaded at 
San Saba; °°° but that, far from being angry, he had come in per- 
son to invite them to merit his pardon, which they would receive 
if they should truly repent. 


Then I arose and, cordially and affectionately taking 


306 Before taking possession, the Indians who were ransomed among their 
enemies were held as slaves in La Luiziana. — Orie. 

307 This occurred in 1729. — ORIG. 

308 It is a fact that one of the two missionaries killed at San Saba was be- 
headed, but the other was not. See Molina’s “Relacion,” of. cit. 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 211 


the hand of each one of the surrounding Spaniards, [ 
tried by this demonstration to make more evident the 
close and sacred pact which binds us.*” 

I am indebted to the cacique Tinhiotien and that of 
the Yatassi, called Cocay, both decorated with his 
Majesty’s medals,*”’ and alike devoted to our nation,*” 
for at once seconding my discourse with arguments so 
apropos, so effective, and withal so worthy of their 
known loyalty, that to try to relate them would be to 
Over-state and discredit them. 

In the meantime, the chiefs of the Tauaiasés, ‘Toua- 
canas, Yscanis, and Quitseys remained seated, almost 
rooted to the ground, fixing their gaze upon it in a most 
humble posture. Then, when it was their turn to re- 
spond, after having consulted at length with one an- 
other, the one who was skilled in the Cadodacho lan- 
guage*” gravely, without confusion, and with calm 
countenance raised his voice and said: 

That their discord with the Spaniards arose from the fact 
that, with the recent founding of the presidio and mission of San 
Saba, the Spaniards had treated as guests and given aid to their 
enemies, the Apaches; that until that time they could not be 


charged with the slightest offense, although they well knew the 
location of the Spaniards’ ranches, villages, and presidios; that 


309 This version of De Méziéres’s attitude toward the Spaniards, as evi- 
denced by the expedition under consideration, does not tally exactly with that 
given by Fray Santa Maria. It must be remembered that the latter was written 
after a quarrel had occurred between the two witnesses. See Document 133. 

310 The most excellent Sir Don Alexander O’Reilly distributed to the friendly 
caciques the flag and medal of his Majesty. The latter is of the weight of an 
ounce of silver. On one side is seen the royal portrait with these words; 
“Carlos III, King of spain [szc.] and emperor of the Indies.” On the other, and 
between laurels; “for merit.” — ORIG. 

311 For a discussion of the various kinds of medals given to the natives by 
the different European nations, see Handbook of American Indians, article on 
“Medals.” 

312 This passage has a bearing on the linguistic differences between the 
Wichita and Caddo, related groups. The inference is that not all of the 
Wichita chiefs were “skilled in the Cadodacho language.” 


212 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


many times when they had set out to explore the country for 
their own safety or with the intention of seeking their enemies 
in question, they had found them mingled with the Spaniards, 
who aided them whenever they offered to fight; that in sup- 
port of the truth of this assertion they would cite the aid given 
by the Apaches when the Spanish army directed its march to 
Tavaiaz; *13 that as a result of this occurrence, the hatred had 
increased more and more; but that now their rancor had entirely 
disappeared; that for this reason the Tcuacanas and Yscanis, im- 
mediately upon learning of the wish of the great Captain of La 
Luiziana, have abandoned the establishment which they had in 
the vicinity of San Antonio de Vexar and San Saba and are to-day 
living off to one side, not far from San Pedro; that under no pre- 
text will they move from there; and that they will leave the . 
Apaches in quiet rather than occasion disastrous contingencies; 
that they have given ear to the admonishments that they should 
live in peace; that they have placed it all in the most secret re- 
cesses of the heart; that they truly desire and ask for peace; that 
their punctual obedience in coming to secure it has been very 
disastrous to them, because the Comanches, who were formerly 
among their allies, having been irritated by this decision, are now 
waging a most cruel war against them, but that not on that ac- 
count will they waver in their promises; that they cannot conceal 
how oppressed they live by such an enemy, who invests them in 
all directions with such inquietude that they are not permitted 
to breathe; that they deserve the greatest compassion; and that 
they implore with confidence that of the French, their ancient 
protectors. 


I again took up the discussion and said: 


Do not forget that there are now no Frenchmen in these 
lands, and that we are all Spaniards. I have and will keep in 
mind your promises in order to report them to my chief, to whom 
they will undoubtedly be pleasing, and he will receive you into 
the number of his children and of the happy subjects of our mon- 
arch. But meanwhile it is fitting, since you have committed so 
many insults, robberies, and homicides in San Antonio de Vexar 
and vicinity, that without loss of time you should journey to that 
city, with the interpreter whom I shall provide for you and two 


313 The reference is to Parrilla’s campaign of 1759. See page 49. 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 213 


Spaniards who will accompany you, carrying a flag to protect 
you. There you will humble yourselves in the presence of a 
chief of greatest power who resides there, and whose part it is to 
ratify the treaty which you seek, since you have established your- 
selves within his jurisdiction,*44 and to name the light and easy 
conditions to which you must conform in order not to incur the 
misfortune of being deprived of so desirable a boon. 

Upon hearing this proposal they remained undecided 
for a long while, but, after having discussed the matter 
among themselves, they refused entirely to comply with 
it, making a pretext now of the lack of horses, again of 
the risk which they would run from the Apaches, and 
availing themselves of many other excuses, such as the 
haste with which they must construct their houses, the 
lateness of the season, the storms which occur in the 
winter, etc. But when I asked them whether they 
would not at least accompany me to Los Adaes, in order 
that the Spaniards there, by whom they would be lov- 
ingly received, might report it to the great captain at 
San Antonio, who would be much pleased by such au- 
thentic testimony, then I discerned clearly what I had 
already suspected. They were equally unwilling to 
consent to this suggestion, and I no longer had the least 
doubt of the unconquerable fear which they felt; for, 
since they are barbarians, and since with them ven- 
geance is not a defect, but a virtue, and since in treachery 
they find the laurel for their most heroic deeds, their 
material natures do not imagine that there could be 
people endowed with more sublime thoughts. Of this 
they will be convinced only by the tenderness and con- 
stancy of our treatment. 


314This passage implies a considerable and distinct migration within a 
short time before 1770. The statement concerning the building of houses, in 
the next paragraph, seems to allude to the same migration. The passages, 
therefore, are important for a very obscure period in the history of the Wichita 
tribes. 


214 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


The method which I had judged most certain to estab- 
lish with authority the public peace and to dissipate the 
mutual distrust not having succeeded, what remained 
for me to do but to continue with caution and gentle- 
nessr And thus, appearing more sad than severe, | 
concluded by protesting that all that I had said on the 
part of the captain-general of Luiziana was the absolute 
truth; that likewise I assumed the absolute sincerity of 
their good professions; but that time would prove it 
better; and that, relying upon the judgment of time, I 
would meanwhile keep on deposit the presents which I 
had intended to make them had they conceded to the 
just demands which I was thus discussing; that only to 
secure so legitimate an end had my chief sent me; that 
nevertheless, I would bend my energies towards making 
their ill-founded obstinacy bearable to him, and that I 
was not displeased even at having been exposed, for the 
most part in vain, to the fatigues of so extended a jour- 
ney. 

They replied unanimously and without perturbation 
that in the spring they would assemble; that meanwhile 
they would pursue only the occupation of the chase; 
that, although poor, they regretted only not having fully 
convinced me of their desires. Hereupon we adjourned 
and did not meet again. 

I beg your Lordship to note that as soon as the ‘Tua- 
canas and Iscanis were notified of your superior deter- 
mination they left the place in which they were residing, 
in the vicinity of San Antonio de Vexar and of the high- 
way to Mexico, and that to-day they have taken refuge 
in the district of Los Adaes.*° ‘This makes it seem 
plausible that, having deserted the place where with 
more ease and promptitude they could perpetrate the 


815 T.e. near San Pedro. 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 215 


ferocious deeds natural to them and to which they had 
devoted themselves, they must have resolved to dedicate 
themselves to saner occupations. 

Furthermore, reflecting upon the critical situation in 
which they are placed by so many enemies, one would 
naturally imagine that they cannot escape the conclusion 
that they can secure their own preservation only through 
the favor offered them by those whom they recognize as 
more generous. 

Above all, since they lack powder, bullets, fire-arms, 
and the munitions of war which we use (from the ne- 
farious trade in which have resulted events so injurious 
to us), the implements necessary for the cultivation of 
their lands, and other urgent necessities— which will by 
no means be supplied to them (unless it should be by the 
friendly Indians, who, it is important for this reason, 
should not be overstocked with them), until your Lord- 
ship provides for it in some other way—they appear to 
be incapable of doing harm, even though they may plan 
it under the deceitful veil of hypocrisy. 

I am informed that the Tavaiases, who, although they 
form with the foregoing a single nation,** live apart for 
greater convenience in hunting, being without the ac- 
customed supplies furnished them through the dis- 
ordered greed of the traders (whom, by order of your 
Lordship I made retire),**’ have gone to the interior, 
far to the north, seeking asylum in the dark solitudes 
which lie between the Natchitoches and Akensas Riv- 
ers; but that now, in the hope of obtaining peace, they 
propose again to draw near to Cadodachos. Before they 


316 This is in harmony with modern opinion, which classes the Tawakoni 
Iscanis, and Taovayas as subdivisions of the Wichita group, of which the 
Wichita tribe was a rather minor one in Texas, notwithstanding the fact that 
it gave its name to the group. 

317 See “Introduction,” footnote 78, and Document 17. 


216 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


deserted the village which they occupied they buried 
the two pieces of brass artillery which colonel Don 
Diego Orttes Parrilla abandoned on his defeat,** and 
which they will show and deliver to whom-so-ever may 
go for them. ‘They would do the same with two Span- 
ish women, the only ones they have in their power, not 
slaves now, but free, in case the women would consent 
to it; but this I doubt, because, having had union with 
the Indians, from which have issued children, whom 
their fathers would not give up, they would remain, not 
alone because of their natural mother-love, but also 
through the well-merited shame which they would suf- 
fer among Christians for their infamous unchastity. 
CARANAMEZ. Near the Tuacanas the Caranaméz*” 
have their rancheria. They are apostate and fugitive 
Indians from the mission of La Bahya del Espiritu 
Santo, who, going among our heathen enemies, in order 
to gain their good will have shown them the entrances 
to and exits from the land where they were raised and 
taught, thus furnishing them the means to perpetrate 
the thieveries, outrages, and murders, in which they have 
assisted in no small degree, and which have placed the 
province of Texas in danger of being lost—~venomous 
serpents who have tried to kill with their poison those 
who had received them into their fold. Their correc- 


318 In 1772 and 1778 De Méziéres found the Taovayas villages on the upper 
Red River, as is shown by Documents 90 and 175. It is possible that they were 
in the same place in 1770, but that De Méziéres did not know their exact loca- 
tion. An indication that they lived in 1778 where the battle had occurred in 
1759 is the fact that in the later year the cannon were at their village. Of 
course, they might have moved the cannon from one place to another with the 
villages. In 1772 De Méziéres planned to take the cannon to San Antonio with 
him, but changed his mind. They were recovered by him and taken to the 
village of Pilar de Bucareli, on the Trinity River, in 1778. [See Bolton, in the 
Texas State Historical Association, Quarterly, vol. ix, 108, and Document 47.] 
Later they were taken to San Antonio, 

319 The Xaraname, or Jaraname. The name is usually written in English 
“Araname.” 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 217 


tion would be easily possible if entrusted to the heathen 
Indians, since these, as is the case with strangers,’ have 
not acquired for them any love except that which is due 
momentarily to malice, for it is known that one uses 
a traitor while hating the treason. But, since these 
Caranaméz are experienced in civilized life, and have 
been regenerated to another and better by the saving 
water of baptism, it appears to me that this matter is 
very serious*” and that such a recommendation to bar- 
barians might result in their complete destruction in- 
stead of their punishment. And thus I refer it to your 
Lordship that you may be pleased to point out the rule 
which I must follow in order to achieve the remedy 
without running the risk of encompassing the ruin of so 
many souls. I must not omit to emphasize to your 
Lordship the importance of making these natives re- 
tire,” because the fear and hate which they have for 
us (and this is what the benefactor experiences from the 
ingrate) will lead them either to stir up the others or to 
be likewise lost themselves. 

TANCAUEYS. The chiefs of the Tancatieys had 
planned to go with the others to Cadodachos, but as they 
are wanderers, without crops, and without other sus- 
tenance than that afforded by wild fruits and the chase, 
they separated until notice of my arrival should come. 
It came so unexpectedly that, although they have been 
searched for, they could not be found; but all assert that 
their dispositions are very peaceful, and that with them 
there will be no trouble whatever. 

QuliTsEys. Of the Quitseys I have nothing to say ex- 


320 The name advenedizo is applied to a person from a different part of the 
same realm; estrangero to one from outside the realm; forastero to one from 
another realm, province, place or family. [Terreros y Pando, Diccionario 
Castellano (Madrid), 1786, vol. i, 34.] 

821 Tt is not clear what is “serious.” 

322 Evidently the Xaraname. 


218 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


cept that they are most docile and well-intentioned, and 
that, having taken part in the hostilities only once, this 
being when the mission of San Saba was sacked (an 
event in which they participated through accidentally 
being with the others), they have since steadfastly re- 
fused to have a hand in any of the disturbances which 
the hostile nations have been plotting. 

The benefit which may be promised, as I am per- 
suaded, from the embassy in which your Lordship has 
been pleased to employ me, useless though I am, is the 
greater quiet of the province of Texas; for of the seven 
tribes which were ravaging it there remains [hostile] 
to-day only that of the Comanché. They, as has been 
said, are now found with the Quitseys, Caranaméz, 
Yscanis, and Tuacanas, who, for their mutual defense, 
have moved nearer to one another, and who, judging 
from the events which are taking place, will not long de- 
lay attracting and interesting the T'aouaiazes, their kin- 
dred and allies.** And as far as my insinuations may 
avail, I shall endeavor, if it meets your Lordship’s ap- 
proval, to enliven more and more so opportune a dis- 
cord,*”* from which it will result that this heathendom 
may by its own hands and with its own blood pay for its 
past insolence and pride. 

COMANCHEZ. The Comanché are scattered from the 
great Missuris River to the neighborhood of the fron- 
tier presidios of New Spain. ‘They are a people so 
numerous and so haughty that when asked their number, 
they make no difficulty of comparing it to that of the 
stars. They are so skillful in horsemanship that they 


323 The Comanche cannot be included in this statement, as they were a 
band of the Shoshones and in no way related to the Taovayas,. 

324 De Meéziéres means discord between the Comanche and the other tribes 
of which he is speaking in this connection. ‘This is clear from the second para- 
graph below. 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 219 


have no equal; so daring that they never ask for or grant 
truces; and in the possession of such a territory that, 
finding in it an abundance of pasturage for their horses 
and an incredible number of cattle which furnish them 
raiment, food, and shelter, they only just fall short of 
possessing all of the conveniences of the earth, and have 
no need to covet the trade pursued by the rest of the 
Indians whom they call, on this account, slaves of the 
Europeans, and whom they despise. 

The wandering life of the Comanché is important for 
their sustenance, because, not finding it in the northern 
region on the arrival of winter, whose frosts drive away 
the wild herds, they are obliged to follow them into the 
more temperate country of the south, whence the ex- 
treme heat of the summer again drives them along with 
the herds towards the cold regions. From these per- 
petual comings and goings it arises that the Comanchés, 
relying upon one another, made proud by their great 
number, and led by their propensity to steal, let few sea- 
sons pass without committing the most bloody outrages 
against the inhabitants of New and Old Mexico. ‘Thus 
it is to be concluded that, since their reduction will be 
one of the most costly and difficult that may be planned 
in this America, it does not contravene good policy to be 
attentive to and to encourage, to some extent, those who 
are interested in the destruction of so proud and cruel 
an enemy. 

Just as I was ready to leave Cadodachos I was over- 
taken by a messenger sent by Don Joseph Gonsales, who 
informed me of the order which he had received from 
the Sefior Baron de Ripperda to send to Vexar without 
delay the twenty men who were in his presidio, and that, 
accordingly, I should endeavor promptly to fulfill my 


220 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


commission, in order that, the detachment of five sol- 
diers who accompanied me being restored, they might 
join that troop. Some say that the presidio of Los 
Adaes is soon to be destroyed so that it may be moved 
elsewhere; *” others say that there is being planned in 
Vexar a vigorous campaign against the Indians of whom 
I have just treated. If this should occur, the Indians 
giving no new cause for being attacked, what renown 
are we to gain, when in one place the pleasant voice of 
peace is heard and in another the tumult of arms? It 
will be a sad thing if this comes to pass, for its begin- 
ning will reap for our nation the most unconquerable 
hatred and abhorrence. 

It being evident to me that from now to the end of 
spring these Indians intend doing as they have declared 
to me, I conclude by entreating your Lordship to com- 
mand me, in case it is desirable, to go to their villages, 
take possession of them in the name of his Majesty, hoist 
in each one the royal standard, and distribute the gifts 
which I have destined for this purpose and which I have 
promised them.*”* 

May our Lord preserve the important life of your 
Lordship many years. 

ATHANASIO DE MEZIERES Y CLUGNY. 


70. DEPOSITIONS RELATIVE TO THE EXPEDITION 
TO CADODACHOS, OCTOBER 30-31, 1770 


Order 


Don Joseph Gonzales, lieutenant-commander of this 
presidio and general of this province, in the absence of 


325 This came to pass in 1773, in pursuance of the order of September 10, 
1772. See “Introduction.” ‘The whole matter is discussed in full by Bolton in 
the ‘Texas State Historical Association, Quarterly, vol. ix, 67-137. 

326 This suggestion was carried out in 1772-1773. 

327 Prov, Int., vol. 20. Also ibid., vol. 100. 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 221 


my governor, the Sefior Colonel D" Juan Maria de 
Ripperda, etc: 

Whereas, with respect to the expedition to the Cao- 
dachos nation which D® Atanasio Missieres, comman- 
dant of the Royal Presidio of San Juan Bautista de 
Nachitos, made in company with the Reverend Father 
President Fray Miguel de Santa Maria y Silba, to se- 
cure peace with the nations which infest the interior 
presidios of this province, the said D® Atanasio de 
Misier has not been pleased to give me a formal report 
of what took place in regard to this important matter, 
as is shown by the original letter which stands at the 
head of these judicial acts, together with the copy of the 
reply that was made to him this day,*** it was necessary 
to draw up the requisite judicial acts, with the purpose 
of learning the state in which the said Seftor de Misier 
left that nation and the others, their allies; therefore he 
[Gonzalez] was in duty bound to order and he did 
order that the depositions of the sergeant of this com- 
pany, Domingo Chirino, and of the four soldiers who 
accompanied him, be taken, and that an exhortation be 
issued to the said reverend father president, to the end 
that his most reverend paternity might be pleased to set 
forth whatever he might have observed in this matter; 
and thus he provided and ordered, over his signature, 
in this royal presidio of Nuestra Sefiora del Pilar de los 
Adaes, on the thirtieth day of the month of October of 
this year of seventeen hundred and seventy. Done be- 
fore me as receiving judge, with the assisting wit- 
nesses,’ in the absence of a public or a royal notary, 
there being none in this province, and on this common 

828 Documents 55 and 56. 


829 For the translation of the terms testigos de assistencia and juez receptor, 
I follow the form used in legal practice. 


222 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


paper. TothisI certify. Between the lines: “Of this 
year of seventeen hundred and seventy.” Valid.*® 
JosPH GONSALEZ [rubric]. 
RAMON BENERO, Witness [ rubric ]. 
ANICETTO VISSENTE CAAMANO, Witness [ rubric]. 


Deposition of Sergeant Domingo Chirinos*” 


Forthwith I, the said lieutenant, in virtue of the fore- 
going order, caused to appear before me the sergeant 
of this company, Domingo Chirino, to whom I caused 
the said order to be read; and to him, whom I certify 
that I know, I personally administered the oath. He 
took it before God our Lord and with the sign of His 
holy cross, and under charge of it he promised to speak 
the truth regarding what he might know and be asked. 
Having understood the order, he said that, having gone 
with all those persons mentioned above to the nation 
named the Caodachos, they found in it five chiefs, of 
whom he remembered only three, namely, those of the 
Taguacana, the Yscan, and the Tahuayas; that the com- 
mandant of the presidio of Nachitos, Dn. Atanacio de 
Misiera, having informed them by means of the inter- 
preter, called Alexi, who was found there, the purpose 
for which he had gone to that place, which was to secure 
peace with all those nations, they merely declared that 
they would be quiet and that the roads would be free 
so that they might be traveled over, but made no other 
demonstration of true peace. And thus he answers. 

On being asked what was the reason why the said In- 
dians did not wish to come to this presidio nor to that of 


330 This means that the words in quotation marks are written between the 
lines in the text, and that they are a part of the original. This statement was 
made to prevent tampering with the documents. 

331 It seems to have been the depositions which follow and the report by 
Fray Santa Maria that caused the suspicion of De Méziéres’s friendship for the 
Spaniards. 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 223 








San Antonio, and if everything they needed was prom- 
ised them, he said that he did not know the reasons why 
they did not wish to make the one or the other journey, 
but that although they were promised everything neces- 
sary for making the journey as well as that the reverend 
father president would go, together with the deponent 
and one soldier, they did not accept. And thus he an- 
swers. 

On being asked if the said Sefior de Misier gave any 
part of the presents which he carried to the said nation 
and the rest of the chiefs, he replied that he did not give 
them a thing, but that all that he carried he loaded into 
the canoe in which he had the reverend father president 
brought back by water, and that he does not know what 
became of the present, since he came directly to this 
presidio. And thus he answers. 

On being asked whether in those nations or in the ones 
he encountered on his march he saw any Spaniards or 
_ Frenchmen trading in powder and balls, he replied that 
in the nation of the Caodachos there are Frenchmen 
who have been established there for many years, the one 
who commands them being he named Alexi, and like- 
wise in the nation of the Cados,** the head one there 
being he named Du Pain; that in the first nation they 
have a fort equipped with everything; that formerly a 
detachment of soldiers was maintained there,*** and that 
both places have served and now serve these Frenchmen 
for trading in powder, balls, guns, and other articles of 
commerce, with these and the rest of the nations, neigh- 
bors of these. And thus he answers. 

On being asked if he considered that the peace which 


332 The Cados here mentioned are the same as the Peticados mentioned by 
Fray Santa Maria. See Document 133. 

333 This fort was established in 1719 by Bénard de la Harpe. See Margry, 
Découvertes et Etablissements, vol. vi, 241 et seq. 


224 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


was suggested to them could be effected, and in what 
frame of mind he thought the Indians had been left, he 
replied that he believed it is not the intention of the In- 
dians to be at peace with the Spaniards, but that, on the 
contrary, the war will become more lively,*** both be- 
cause of the discontented state in which they were left, 
at not having been given the present which was carried 
for this purpose, after they had been caused to come so 
far to this nation, as well as because, notwithstanding 
the fact that they professed what he had stated above, it 
is not in keeping with their actions, for otherwise they 
would have undertaken the journey to one of the two 
places suggested; and since they did not do so, it is to be 
believed that they will perpetrate more hostilities. This 
is all that he has to say on the matter; and this his 
declaration having been read to him de verbo ad ver- 
bum, he says that it is correct, and that he has nothing 
to add or to subtract, since it is the truth, by the oath 
taken; and he affirmed and ratified it once, twice, thrice, 
and as many times as by law he may be permitted. He 
did not sign, as he does not know how, but he made with 
his own hand the sign of the holy cross, and I signed it 
with my assisting witnesses. ‘To this I certify. 

JOSPH. GONSALEZ [rubric], [+] 

RAMON BENERO, Witness [ rubric]. 

ANICETTO VISSENTE CAAMANO, Witness [ rubric]. 


Deposition of Christobal Carabaxal 


In the said royal presidio, on the said day of the said 
month and year, I, the said lieutenant, in continuation 
of these judicial proceedings, caused to appear before 
me the soldier Christobal Carabaxal, and to him, whom 
I certify that I know, I personally administered the 


834 Contrast this opinion with that expressed by De Méziéres, in Docu- 
ment 69. 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 225 


oath. He took it before God our Lord and with the sign 
of His holy cross, and under charge of it he promised 
to speak the truth with respect to what he might know 
and be asked. And having made known to him the 
contents of the foregoing order, and he understanding 
it, he said that, having accompanied all of the per- 
sons named in it to the nation of the Caodachos, where 
various chiefs of other nations met, from the whole 
conference which they held, by means of a French in- 
terpreter named Alexi, nothing resulted except that 
the said D" Athan’*, in the presence of the said nations 
and chiefs, gave his hand both to the reverend father 
president and to the other surrounding Spaniards who 
were there, but that no other demonstration of peace in 
use among the Indians was made; for, although the said 
reverend father president inquired of Sefior De Misier 
if he should give his hand to the chiefs,*” he answered 
that it was not necessary, whereupon the conference 
came to anend. And thus he answers. 

Being asked if the said Don Athanasio had talked to 
them about their going to San Antonio or to Los Adaes 
to perform the peace ceremony, and if they were prom- 
ised everything they needed [for this purpose], he an- 
swered in the affirmative, but that the chiefs did not con- 
cede to this proposal, saying that they were tired, but 
that, nevertheless, there need be no fear about the roads, 
which were free from all risk. And thus he answers. 

Being asked if any presents were given to these na- 
tions he replied that, although Sefior Mesier went for 
this purpose, he decided not to give them anything, but 
loaded it all into the canoe in which he had the reverend 


335 The meaning at this point is not quite clear. It may be that sz le dava 
should be sz se dava, but the same expression occurs in one of the later deposi- 
tions. The exact force of expuso is likewise not clear. Perhaps “suggested 
that he should give his hand to the chiefs” is the meaning. See the report by 
Fray Santa Maria y Silva, Document 133, which explains what is meant. 


226 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


father president brought back by water; but that he 
[the deponent] does not know what became of this pres- 
ent, since he returned to this presidio by land. And thus 
he answers. 

Being asked whether in the said nation to which he 
went or in those which he encountered on the way he 
had seen any Spaniards or Frenchmen engaged in trade, 
he responded that those whom he had seen were French- 
men; that they had a fort at Los Caodachos well 
equipped with powder and balls and other articles of 
their trade, the commander of the fort being he named 
Alexi; that the same is the case in the nation of the Cado, 
a person named Du Pain being head there; and that it is 
said that from these two villages all the rest of the na- 
tions are supplied. 

Being asked, finally, whether, from the few demon- 
strations of these Indians, he thought the peace could be 
effected, he responded that it is not the intention of 
these Indians to maintain peace with the Spaniards, but 
that he presumes, on the contrary, that they will make 
more active war, because of the dissatisfied state in which 
they were left at being given nothing of what was taken 
for this purpose and at having been caused to come so 
far to this nation; for, notwithstanding the fact that they 
professed what he has stated above, this does not seem 
to him to be in keeping with their actions, since other- 
wise they would have gone to one of the two places sug- 
gested, and since they did not do this it is to be presumed 
that they may do greater damage. ‘This is all that he 
has to say on the subject. And this his deposition hav- 
ing been read to him de verbo ad verbum he says it is 
correct and he has nothing to add or subtract, since it is 
the truth, by the oath which he has taken; and he af- 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 227 





firmed and ratified it once, twice, thrice, and as many 
times as by law he may be required, and signed it with 
me and the assisting witnesses. To this I certify. 

JosPH GONSALEZ [rubric]. 

RAMON BENERO, Witness [ rubric]. 

CHRISTOBAL CARABAJAL [rubric]. 

ANICETTO VISSENTE CAAMANO, Witness [ rubric ]. 


[Here follow the depositions of Thoribio de la 
Fuente, Nepomuceno de la Zerda, soldiers, and Ygnacio 
Montes, a civilian. The few additions made by them to 
the foregoing testimony are indicated in a note.*** An 
interesting commentary on the soldiery of the Presidio 
of Los Adaes is the fact that of the six witnesses exam- 
ined, including the civilian, only one could sign his 
name, even the sergeant of the company being among 
those who could not do so. — ED. | 


Exhortation sent to the Reverend Father President 


D*® Jph. Gonzalez, lieutenant-commander of this 
presidio, and general of the province in the absence of 
my governor, the Sefior Colonel D® Juan Maria, Baron 
de Ripperda, etc: 

To the Very Reverend Father President, Fray Miguel 
de Santa Maria y Silva, minister de propaganda fide of 
the mission of S" Mig! de Cuellar, adjacent to this pre- 
sidio, [ make known that, from the judicial proceedings 
which I have executed for the purpose of learning the 


336 Thoribio de la Fuente and Pomus® de la Zerda bring out the point that 
the Indians “made no other signs of peace than to give the said Sefior de 
Misier he did not remember how many skins of buffalo and deer.” It is not 
clear whether these were given by the chief of the Cadodacho or the other 
chiefs, but probably the former. It is to be noted, also, that Fray Santa Maria 
says that the pipe, “the surest sign which these people have for making known 
peace” was frequently passed. See Document 133. For the giving of skins 
and their symbolism, see Document 79. 


228 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


desires of the Indians concerning the treaty which it 
was attempted to make with them (for which purpose 
your Reverence went of your ready and spontaneous will, 
in company with the captain-commandant of the Pre- 
sidio of S" Juan Baptista de Nachitos, D= Athanacio 
Mesier, Sergeant Dom? Chirinos, four soldiers of this 
company, and a citizen named Ygn° Montes), it appears 
that, instead of having achieved the desired purpose 
with the chiefs of other nations who met at that of the 
Caudachos, graver insults are to be feared in the future 
than those which up to the present have been experi- 
enced, first, because the Indians failed to make any true 
sign of peace, as is shown by the very actions of the said 
De Mesier, through his not having given them any 
presents from what he carried for this puropse; again, 
because they are supplied by the French who are estab- 
lished both in the Caudachos nation with all they need 
in the way of powder, balls, guns, and other articles for 
which these Indians trade; and [thirdly], because of the 
reluctance which they showed about coming to this 
presidio or going to that of San Antonio de Bexar, as 
was suggested to them, they being promised whatever 
seemed necessary for the purpose. Because of the fore- 
going and of the fact that your Reverence, with your 
mature judgment and with all keenness and sagacity, 
will have inquired into the state of mind in which those 
Indians were left, therefore, in the name of His Majesty, 
may God preserve him, I exhort and require your Rey- 
erence, once, twice, and thrice, and in my own name I 
beg and entreat you, to set forth herebelow*” what you 
may have seen with respect to the matters which I have 


337 The writer means that the reply is to be written on the same paper as 
that upon which the acts thus far drawn up are written. This was the usual 
practice in performing diligencias. 


one ] CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 229 


presented, and how, having witnessed them, all the 
events transpired appear to you, not omitting, prudent 
Sir, anything else which you may judge worthy of 
notice, since upon it, considering the gravity of the mat- 
ter, depends the putting of this province and its presi- 
dios in safety, and in order that by means of it and as far 
as I am able I may give the proper report to my gov- 
ernor as soon as I may see yours.** Dated in this Royal 
Presidio of Nuestra Sefiora del Pilar de los Adaes on the 
thirty-first day of the month of October of this year of 
seventy. Done before me as receiving judge, for lack 
of a public or royal notary, there being none in this 
province, and on this common paper, I not having any 
other kind.**” To this I certify. 

JosPH GONSALEZ [rubric]. 

RAMON BENERO, Witness [rubric]. 

ANICETTO VISSENTE CAAMANO, Witness [ rubric]. 


Reply to the foregoing Exhortation 


Having seen the foregoing [exhortation] and learned 
its contents, I have to say that, obedient in all and for all 
to the royal name of his Majesty, (may God preserve 
him) ; and although everything contained in it is true, 
and more which I reserve in my breast; and having seen 
all with my eyes with grief to my heart; yet, being as I 
am, by the grace of God, a religious, and as such, with- 
out control of my actions, except with the express per- 
mission of my prelate, I am in the matter like a child 
who, having a mouth, yet his tongue is mute. [ Done at | 
Mission of San Miguel de Cuellar de los Adaes, Octo- 


338 This passage is difficult and somewhat ambiguous. Cada y quando 
qguiera seems to mean here “as soon as” rather than “each and every time.” 

839 The law prescribed a certain grade of papel sellado, or paper bearing 
the government stamp, for each class of official acts. For lack of stamped 
paper, these diligencias were written on unstamped paper. 


230 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


ber thirty-first of this year of seventy, and signed on the 
same date by my hand. 
FRAY MIGUEL STA. MARIA *? [rubric]. 


Concluding Order 


On the said day of the said month and year, having 
received the exhortation mentioned, I order this added 
to the foregoing judicial proceedings and a duplicate 
and a certified copy of them made, that they may be 
filed ** in the archive of this government; and that the 
duplicate be transmitted to the Sefor Governor of La 
Luisiana, with a letter of transmittal, and the original to 
the governor of this province, in order that in view of 
them his Lordship may do whatever he may think best. 
In testimony of all the foregoing I signed it as above, 
with my assistants. To this I certify. 

JOSPH GONSALEZ [rubric]. 
RAMON BENERO, Witness | rubric]. 
JOSEPH YG° O NEALE, Witness [rubric]. 


These judicial proceedings comprise ten used folios, 
counting this one, in testimony of which I sign them. 
GONSALEZ [rubric]. 


340 Note that although Santa Maria wrote his name without the “de,’’ his 
contemporaries wrote it with the ‘de.’ 

341 Protocolar would mean to record in the protocol book, or book of notarial 
acts. Evidently Father Santa Maria and Lieutenant Gonzalez wrote to De 
Méziéres their complaints shortly after these proceedings had been enacted, 
for as early as Dec. 29, 1770, Unzaga y Amezaga wrote to De Méziéres as 
follows: ‘This is to acknowledge the receipt of the letter in which you enclose 
the copies of those of Father Fray Miguel de Santa Maria and Don Joseph 
Gonzales, and to reply that having noted everything I must say that until the 
satisfaction which you demand, to secure which I have taken steps, has been 
made, you must on your part refrain entirely from communication with the 
presidio [of Los Adaes], or in case it is necessary, reduce it to polite language 
[terminos politicos], not using familiar terms, in order to avoid the im- 
pertinences which ordinarily arise when this is practiced with inferior or less 
educated persons” [Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 283]. We have a state- 
ment by Bonilla, made in 1772, that Father Santa Maria found it necessary “to 
make a sort of apology” to De Méziéres [“Breve Compendio,” in Texas State 
Historical Society, Quarterly, vol. viii, 64]. 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 231 


71. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES 
NOVEMBER 18, 1770 °*? 


I have received three letters from you, two dated the 
27th and the other the 26th of September. In the first 
you report the satisfaction given by the Nabedakios, or 
San Pedro, Indians, for the murder by them of two 
Frenchmen and a Spaniard, the satisfaction consisting 
in the infliction of a like penalty upon the offenders. 
In the second you repeat that the journey to Cadodachos 
is necessary, concluding by asking my approval. 

To the first my reply is that it is well; and to the sec- 
ond I say the same, provided that the object of the jour- 
ney is only what you explain and assure me. You will 
leave the command during the journey, which I suppose 
will not be long, to Don Joseph de Orieta, to whom I 
have already written, and whose letters already must 
have arrived. 

To the last letter, in which you advise me of the three 
deserters named Geronimo Gallardo, Fernando Rod- 
tiguez, and Ygnacio Fernandes, who guided Colonel 
Don Juan Maria Baron de Ripperda, enclosing a copy 
of the list of expenses caused by the illness of two of 
them and by supplying the three of them with food in 
that post, let me say that they have arrived, that I am 
disposed to provide for paying the bills, and that I shall 
do so, but not from the goods of the fisc, as you suggest, 
since the latter are not responsible for the former. 

In consequence of this, and of the memorandum of 
what the fines have produced, I order you to send the 
amount to this city, as soon as they are collected and the 
wherewith to pay them is found, since they are already 
applied to those presidios which you mention. But in 
the future you must refrain from imposing such penal- 





842 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 77. See Documents 49 and st. 


232 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


ties, for the king does not wish it, nor is it his sovereign 
intention to fill his treasury with the blood of his sub- 
jects. 

Usually when the prince is forced to impose pecuniary 
penalties they are applied only to public or pious works, 
in order not to make his merciful heart appear avari- 
cious or his sacred name odious. 

May God preserve you many years. New Orleans, 
November 18, 1770. 

Sefior Don Athanacio de Mezieres. 


72. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES 
NOVEMBER 209, 1770 348 


I have received the relation, which you send me under 
date of October 29, of the Caddodachos expedition, its 
results, and all that you did in order to make them favor- 
able.*** I am of the opinion that the harangue could not 
suffice to convince the suspicious Taguayas, Tahuacana, 
and Pani Pique nations of the good faith of the peace 
which you proposed to them, and to which you directed 
yourself as your principal and sole object. 

Moreover, I am of the opinion that neither the oc- 
casion nor the time will ever arrive when they will ap- 
proach us in good faith, on the one hand because of their 
ferocity, and on the other because our lack of deeds can- 
not fail to estrange them, for words unaccompanied by 
acts do not suffice; and to do a thing unskillfully does 
more harm than good, which I fear is the case at present. 

If, later on, you are assured that in the spring they 
might receive you well and in good faith, and you will 
give me a statement of your reasons for thinking so, I 
will decide whether or not it is proper to repeat the ex- 


343 Bancroft Coll., Louisiana. 
344 On November 19 Unzaga y Amezaga wrote to De Méziéres that he had 
not yet received the report. [Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 78.] 


one CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 233 


pedition. With respect to granting them the flag, I say 
the same to you, since this favor may not be conferred 
without strong proofs of fidelity and merit, lest the dig- 
nity of our nation be exposed to outrage. With this your 
other letter, also dated on the third and received on this 
Same occasion, is answered. 

You will thank the lieutenant of Los Adaes in my 
name for having aided you, and in case he needs your 
assistance you will furnish it, but with the condition that 
it shall be only what is possible, for care must be taken 
not to desert your own house in order to protect a 
stranger’s. 

May God preserve you many years. New Orleans, 
November 29, 1770. LUIS DE UNZAGA [rubric]. 
Sefior Don Athanasio de Mezieres. 


73. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
NOVEMBER 29, 1770 **° 


[No.2] SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL, 

Sir: I received from the Baron de Ripperda the let- 
ter of which a copy follows, and which was my motive 
for writing the one which immediately follows it: 


My pear Sir: With greatest appreciation and due gratitude 
I received the esteemed letter with which your well known cour- 
tesy and urbanity favors me, concerning my welcome and the good 
wishes for this government which the charity of the king has 
deigned to confer upon me. For all of this, as well as for the 
kind expressions and the favors which with this motive you were 
pleased to show me, I am duly grateful, just as I am desirous to 
prove my gratitude in so far as my powers extend, and to have the 
pleasure of knowing you and having you as neighbor. ‘This, it 
appears, in spite of me, will be delayed longer than I had ex- 
pected, because I found this district, so important a part of the 
province, in the greatest risk of being lost through the very ob- 
stinate attacks of the hostile nations, especially the Comanchez ; 


845 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 253. 


234 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





and, although I have made representations to the most excellent 
Sefior Viceroy and Captain-general of this New Spain concern- 
ing various points regarding the correction of this great evil, I 
have not succeeded in getting any replies. Moreover, after the 
coming month of August, the experts assure me, one cannot go 
in, except with very light baggage, until the following February, 
while it appears that not even the supplies which I have here for 
my company can be sent, as I had hoped, with cattle and horses, 
until we have satisfied ourselves of the designs of those nations. 
For, it seems, they are on the roads to the interior presidios, ac- 
cording to advice from my lieutenant, Don Joseph Gonzales, 
dated the 25th of the past month and sent by M. Pizeros, 
and more recently in judicial form under date of the second of 
the present month, on the basis of the report which you gave him 
on the same day,°** whereas from what he reported to me in his 
communication, I was, a few days before, expecting that the 
chiefs of the hostile nations would come to me to sue for peace. 
This peace, I understand, would have been more favorable to me 
if made at Adaés and mediated by you, who, all assure me, have 
a great following, and the standing which you merit among the 
nations. MM. Pizeros **7 has gone with these last notices to the 
most excellent Sefior Viceroy, taking advantage of the escort as far 
as Laredo, which is the dangerous part of the way. Although he 
will have to make the trip to that point in a hurry, I did not 
wish to permit any delay; however I have not, on the other hand, 
been of any aid tohim. I have given him a short letter for Mex- 
ico stating what he has supplied for Los Adaés; and he has left 
the enclosed °#8 for you, as well as another for the madam his 
846 “The report which I sent to Don Joseph Gonzales was in these terms: 
that I was informed by the Acinais, Nazones, and Nacogdoches Indians, that the 
Tuacanas and Yscanis had assembled on the banks of the Colorado (which 
empties into the Bay of Espiritu Santo and is very different from this on 
which we are established) for the purpose of awaiting and attacking the men 
whom they supposed would soon bring the funds and the supplies for Los 
Adaes, but that by way of Cadodachos I was informed that their design was 
merely to unite to resist the Comanches or Osages.” — ORIG. 
_ 347 [M. Piseros] is the inhabitant and merchant of this place who went 
with a passport from the superior government to Mexico to collect the money 
owed him by the governors, captains, and missionary fathers of the province 


of Los Texas. — ORIG. 
348 The enclosure referred to is not with the letter. 


one | CONFERENCE AT CADODACHOS, 1770 235 


wife, so that she may continue supplying my lieutenant, Gon- 
zales, what is necessary until I am able to aid those soldiers and 
families. For this I am very grateful to him, as I will be to you 
for your favor, if I merit it. Now that it may not be furnished 
directly, as I requested of you in my former letter, please see that 
my men have what is really necessary, but nothing more; for I 
do not wish to be excessive in my demands even though my lieu- 
tenant may be; however, I do not think this will be the case. 
Please let me know if I can be of any service to you, for I desire 
an opportunity to serve you, and that our Lord may spare your 
life many years. Bexar, July 25, 1770. Your hand is kissed 
by your most affectionate and faithful servant, 
EL Baron DE RIPPERDA. 
My pear Sir: I have just returned from Cadodachos where, 
pursuant to my superior orders, I have treated with the chiefs of 
the hostile nations who had gathered there for that purpose, as I 
had the honor to report to your Lordship in my former letter ; 
and it being my duty to report to you now the successful outcome 
of my journey, I think of no better way of doing so than to send 
to you the official communication regarding this same matter 
which I have directed to my chief.*4#9 May God spare the life of 
your Lordship as many happy years as he is able and as I desire. 
Fort of San Juan Baptista de Natchitoches, October 24, 1770. 
The hand of your Lordship is kissed by your most faithful and 
humble servant. ATHAN!0 DE MEZIERES. 


May God spare the important life of your Lordship 
many years. Natchitoches, Nov. 29, 1770. 
Sefior Captain-general, your Lordship’s hand is kissed 
by your most humble servant. 
ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Captain-general Don Luiz de Unzaga. 


349 The copy of the informe here referred to is the one from which Docu- 
ment 69 is printed. 











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III. TREATIES OF PEACE WITH THE NA- 
TIONS OF THE NORTH; PROPOSALS CON- 
CERNING TRADE AND ANOTHER 

EXPEDITION, 1771-1772 


74. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
FEBRUARY 28, 1771 %°° 


SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL— SIR: Reverend Father 
Estanislao has arrived here, and I have not only com- 
municated to him your Lordship’s order, which I so 
greatly appreciate, respecting the way in which I am to 
deal with his Reverence, but also have told him, with 
great urbanity and yet forcibly, that it is necessary that he 
remain here to attend to the general ministration to his 
parishioners, and he has consented in spite of the order 
given him by his superior, the Very Reverend Father 
Dagobertto, that he should go to live at the Acadian 
coast. This has greatly pleased the citizens here, and I 
am reporting their pleasure in the name of all, to the end 
that so Christian a protector may deign to continue his 
favor. 

Work on the building of the new church is going on 
as rapidly as possible, and we promise ourselves that we 
shall complete it in time to hold next Easter services in 
it, according to your Lordship’s wish. [I shall lay a 
stone which I have had hewn and on which are the fol- 
lowing words: *” 





850 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-2, no. 85. 

851 The movement to have the church rebuilt was begun by De Méziéres 
and Father Stanislaus, as is shown by the following letter from De Méziéres to 
Unzaga y Amezaga, dated Feb. 1, 1770: 

“In agreement with the very reverend father curate, Fray Stanislas, I re- 


238 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


D. O. M. Lapis isce, in fundamentis sacro-sanctae Ajustae 
Ecclesiae, Jussi. et vice Yllustrissimi domini, Ludovici de Vn- 
zaga, in hac provincia pro Catolica Majestate imperitantis, rite, 


solemniterque depositus ob aeternam ad nepotes rei memoriam. 


anno salutis mdcclxxt1.3*1* 


Without doubt Francisco Morvant will appear before 


ported to the most excellent Sefor Captain-general the bad state of the parochial 
church of this post, due to the effects of the weather. In consequence of this 
his Excellency ordered me to see and consult with the citizens, calling on each 
one according to his ability, regarding the building of another church, this 
being one of the first duties of Christians. To this they have agreed, and some 
with such zeal and efficacy, notwithstanding the poverty of the place, that al- 
ready the alms reach the sum of seven hundred dollars [pesos fuertes]. And 
I have no doubt, if God wills it that there be a good harvest this year, that the 
sums will be increased to fifteen hundred dollars. With this capital and the 
abundance of stone here, both for making lime and for the walls, it appears 
that we shall have sufficient for a very decent building, to which I am devoting 
my greatest care, in order that it be undertaken and finished as soon as possible. 
Therefore I beg your Lordship to please consent that I may have the honor to 
place the first stone of the foundations of this holy church in your illustrious 
name, a favor for which all of us here will be sincerely and duly thankful” 
[Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 110, no. 189]. 

In a communication to Father Stanislaus dated January 17, 1770, O’Reilly 
wrote: “I have examined with attention the papers which you sent to M. 
Nugeant, representing the inability of the inhabitants of Natchitoches to build 
a church or to repair suitably the one which they have, and demanding an outlet 
for their tobacco to every district of Mexico.’ For this suggestion O’Reilly 
reprimanded the curate, saying that he was stepping outside of his priestly 
province. In a communication to De Méziéres, evidently of the same date, in 
which a copy of the letter to Father Stanislaus was enclosed, O’Reilly says: 
“You will have made to the church all the repairs necessary and possible to 
the inhabitants, in conformity with my instruction. I hope that your curate 
will not mix, in the future, in matters which solely concern the secular author- 
ities. Show him all the regard due his ministry, but without giving him any 
other influence in the government” [Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, nos. 1 
and 2]. 

Writing on Nov. 19, 1770, of Bartolomé Charbonet, with whom he had had 
some difficulty, De Meéziéres said: “In the assembly which I called for the 
rebuilding of the church, at their common cost, he was present among the 
notables, signing his name to the agreement which they made with one accord” 
[Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 69]. 

351a Translation: ‘To God best and greatest. In the year of salvation 
1771, this stone was laid in the foundations of the holy and venerable church 
in due order and solemnity by command and in the name of Don Luis de 
Unzaga, ruling in this province in behalf of his Catholic Majesty, for the 
eternal memory of the event with posterity.” 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 239 


that superior and merciful tribunal to receive the signal 
mercy and the unexpected pardon promised him. 

My method has always been and is to serve and please 
all without distinction as to friends or allies. On this 
principle I last year offered a place to M. Fazende, 
whom your Lordship mentions to me, but he did not ac- 
cept it, as he hoped for another, which has been bestowed 
upon the sub-lieutenant of militia. This coming spring 
M. Fazende will have what he desires; meanwhile I 
have not neglected to succor and aid his sister, so far as I 
have been able, being required so to do by natural com- 
passion and by virtue of the alliance which I have con- 
tracted with that lady.*” 

I am more grieved than I can express that, with 
strange abuse of your Lordship’s attention, the most un- 
worthy charges should be raised up on all sides, I being 
accused of what is so repugnant to my nature and char- 
acter. I have just experienced this in the complaints 
which, guided by their evil inclination, caprice, and in- 
gratitude, were recently made by the father of Los 
Adays, Fray Miguel de Santa Maria, and the lieutenant, 
Don Joseph Gonzales.** And from what, in reality, do 
they proceed, if not from the fact that canoes do not 
come here from that capital, unless it be that a rumor 
has got out of the complaints which your Lordship is 
making on my account, a reason why the persecutions 
will never be quieted, because such rumors give rise to 
calumny. This condition is so unfortunate that I cannot 
dissimulate it from my chief, who, I hope, from his high 
comprehension and magnanimity, will not take ill the 


352’ This lady was Dame Pelagie Fazende, second wife of De Méziéres. 
Fazende was made trader to the Cadodachos this year, which probably is the 
occupation referred to as being ‘‘what he desires.” 

353 Reference is made here to the charges made against De Méziéres in 
connection with his conference at Cadodachos the fall before. See Documents 
70 and 10s. 


240 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


account of my labors, sole relief which an unfortunate 
finds in bearing them. 

I have the honor humbly to report to your Lordship 
that when the most excellent Sefor Don Alexandro was 
pleased to confer on me, so without merit on my part, 
the command of this place, and likewise on my sons the 
position of cadets, I simply and truthfully explained to 
his Excellency that my small means, which are becom- 
ing less with the sale of my plantation and slaves for the 
purpose of satisfying my creditors, would not permit me 
to support them in that town, and he permitted me to 
keep them with me. I at once concluded that since they 
did not perform service like the rest they should not re- 
ceive pay. But I now humbly beg your Lordship to 
permit me to leave it in the royal treasury, with the 
assurance that my sons in question will aid me so far as 
they can and as I may order them. I protest that I 
should [not] take advantage of this recourse now if the 
expensive and necessary repairing of this fort and of all 
the houses belonging to his Majesty, which I have put 
in very good condition and to which I have contributed 
with my own salary, (though I have no right to object 
to this because I have proceeded of my own pure voli- 
tion) did not move me to do so. 

Regarding the good intentions of the Indians in the 
matter of the peace which in your name I offered them, 
I rely on the true report on this subject which I directed 
to your Lordship; on the reports which come to me from 
San Antonio de Bexar of the marked quiet which has 
been enjoyed there during the past few months; on that 
which likewise I receive from Cadodachos concerning 
the perseverance of these Indians in their decision; on 
my experience; on what human wisdom might conjec- 
ture; and finally, on my plan to improve my time (it not 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 241 


being my intention to remain forever in these Indies) by 
dedicating myself to the service of the renowned mon- 
arch who has so greatly honored me, and of the nation to 
which I have always been attached, and by making my- 
self worthy, in spite of the machinations of my rivals, of 
the esteem of your Lordship, which I so greatly prize 
and which [ put before all else. Therefore I am ready 
to march, if your Lordship so orders me to do, the time 
which I designated for this purpose being close at hand. 
And I may note that if I do not go they will regard as 
fraud and deceit what I proposed to them in my former 
mission; and then beware, for then what your Lordship 
tells me will prove true, namely, that instead of improv- 
ing matters, they will be made worse, for when confi- 
dence, which I may flatter myself on having established, 
is dispelled, then arises suspicion, mother of treason and 
irremediable disasters. 

Juan Pizeros, member of the merchant body of this 
post, has recently returned from Mexico, where, through 
the great favor of your Lordship, he very successfully 
concluded his business. 

Both of the two wine sellers having given up their 
privileges and no others wishing to replace them, the 
services of the two alguaciles cease with the tax of eighty 
pesos which was assigned for their salary. This causes 
a notable deficiency for the maintenance of good order 
in this post. 

I have deposited in the house of M. Roujot and in 
his care a portion of the azumbre *™™ of bear’s fat and the 
deerskins with which, by virtue of the arrangement 
which was made through lack of tomines,*” they have 
paid what they owed to the royal treasury; and since 


354 For the meaning of this word see page 191. 
355 In some parts of Spanish America tomin was used for real. 


242 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


these effects may deteriorate and spoil, I advise your 
Lordship so that you may order me what may be your 
pleasure. 

May God our Lord guard and prosper the important 
life of your Lordship the many years which I desire. 
Fort of San Juan Baptista de Natchitoches, February 
Qos I: 

Sefior Captain-general, your hand is kissed by your 
most humble servant, 

ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 


75. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
MARCH 14, 1771 *°° 


SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL— SIR: I am sending my 
negroes according to the arrangement which I made and 
had the honor to report to your Lordship. Iam grate- 
ful for the permission which you deigned to grant me, 
but I shall defer taking advantage of it*”’ until I return 
from the expedition to the nations, since this is more 
urgent, for the winter which I designated to them is now 
approaching. Concerning this matter there is nothing 
to add to what I have said to your Lordship in my for- 
mer letters, except that only through mischance could 
there be failure to succeed with the projects which are 
dedicated solely to the interest of God, the king, and 
his vassals, and to the unquestionable happiness of the 
enemy themselves, especially when to such powerful and 
loyal motives there is added the desire of the agent to be 
regarded as the instrument, though so weak, which shall 
have cooperated with the high designs always kept in 
view by the illustrious chief for the good and quietude 
of the government under his care. 





356 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-2, no. 87. 
357 What is referred to here is not clear from the available documents. He 
may have asked for permission to descend to New Orleans. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 243 


I again beg your Lordship to make whatever arrange- 
ment may best please you regarding my noteworthy lack 
of the two alguaciles, through the resignation of their 
privileges by the two wine sellers ** who paid them their 
salaries. hey have ceased to perform their functions, 
and there have been renewed with great force now illicit 
sale of beverages to the negroes and Indians, a cause of 
very serious consequences, and now the barter of horses 
and clothing which at all hours of every day the soldiers 
of Los Adaés secretly conduct. In regard to this the 
complaints of their commander are raining upon me, 
while there is no remedy for it; for what is authority un- 
supported by force? Only if I were endowed with as 
many eyes as it is claimed Argo had, and with a hundred 
arms, like Briareo, could I watch and suppress these 
abuses. | 

I am completing the padron (Latin census, or denom- 
ination) of these inhabitants, and shall send it to your 
Lordship at the first opportunity, together with a map 
of this post, another comprising the entire jurisdiction, 
another of the Colorado River from its disemboguement 
in the San Luiz up to El Rapide, and finally, another of 
the same Colorado River and other streams which flow 
into it or rise in its neighborhood, from El Rapide to the 
country of the Taotiaiazes, with historical and political 
notes concerning said post, its commerce, agriculture, 
natural advantages, villages of Indians, etc. And I hope 
that your Lordship will be impressed with the fidelity 
of my statement relative to the need in this command of 


358 Taberneros: this rendering of the word, which is also used to mean 
tavern-keepers, is borne out by the context of other documents in the collection. 
For example, on August 21, 1770, De Méziéres wrote to O’Reilly: ‘Sir, not- 
withstanding the order of your Excellency to the effect that only the two 
taberneros which have been established here should have authority to sell at 
retail wine, aguardiente, and [other] strong drinks, these two taberneros have 
complained and continue to complain to me that several merchants of this place 
sell these beverages in the same way” [Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no 64]. 


244 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


some men to aid him who is in charge of it. If your 
Lordship should decide to give this aid, I should be glad 
to have the small number of Creoles thought necessary 
recruited here, for, besides their being equally at home 
on foot and on horseback, their pay will be a great god- 
send to their poor parents, while there need be no fear 
from them of the detestable and harmful vice of drunk- 
enness. 

The trade of San Luiz de Cadodachos is to be this 
year in charge of Don Matthias de Court, a retired 
officer, welcome to and conversant with the Indians, of 
small means and large family. Don Antonio is to fur- 
nish him the necessary goods, and as the latter is a cred- 
itor of the former, both of them will be relieved, while 
I shall have the advantage of contributing to their satis- 
faction. 

M. Fazende will reside in the village of the Cadot, 
and M. Borme, without change, in that of the Yatassi, 
each person being thus assisted, according to his merits, 
in securing the just and legitimate advantages afforded 
by this district; as for myself, I hope for no other ad- 
vantage than the very enviable one of being able to 
please all, and to conform with the words of your Lord- 
ship in your appreciated favor of September 21, last, 
namely: 

I should be very happy to learn that the subjects are zealous 

and observant of due respect and veneration for their chief 

through love and not through fear; this is the way to make hon- 
est citizens. 
Again, in another of November 29: 

The chief must exert himself greatly to the end that all his 

subjects may live contented, very especially those needed as heads 


and leaders of the district ; with these it is necessary to live in en- 
tire harmony and to temporize as far as possible. 


These words have deeply weighed upon my breast, as 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 245 


such words should with every man who is ruling others. 
May God extend and prosper the important life of 
your Lordship many years. Fort of San Juan Baptista 
de Natchitoches, March 14, 1771. 
Sefior Captain-general, your Lordship’s hand is kissed 
by your most humble servant, 
ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 


76. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA, CIRCA 
MARCH 14, 1771 °°° 


In case I make an expedition to the Indians, which | 
am recommending to the Sefor Commandant-general, 
{ earnestly beg your Lordship to order sent to me a flag 
(a small colored pennant, such as are used by his Maj- 
esty’s vessels) to be carried by the tribes to San Antonio 
de Vexar, a leaden passport, and a letter for the Sefor 
Baron de Ripperda. ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES [ rubric]. 


77. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
MARCEN2O) 1771 0° 


[No.4] SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL, 

Sir: I am not so pusillanimous and fickle as, when 
scarcely entered upon the honorable office conferred 
upon me by the condescension of two illustrious chiefs, 
to wish unseasonably to renounce it.** ‘This would be 
possible under no pretext without injury to my reputa- 
tion, and especially now since there are rumors of wars. 
On the contrary, I promise honorably to serve the king 
and the nation. And if I say that my principal aim is 
to fulfill my obligation and make myself worthy of the 
enviable protection and aid of your Lordship, it is be- 


359 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-2, no. 88. 

360 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-2, no. 93. 

861 The allusion is to the rumors that he was going to resign, on account of 
difficulties and of having been criticised. 





246 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


cause I have been not a little depressed by the lament- 
able rumors very much to the contrary which have 
spread abroad. But, striving with more resolution than 
before, and taking advantage of your Lordship’s wise 
counsel, I trust in that divine help which can never fail 
one with good intentions. 

Let me inform your Lordship that it will be necessary 
to send a courier to the nations of the Tuacanas, Taéu- 
aiazes or Panis Piques, and others formerly hostile, in 
order not only that they may know that we have not for- 
gotten the favors which we have promised them (which 
is sO important to keep them quiet), but also that, learn- 
ing with certainty their frame of mind, which I have no 
doubt will be what they have manifested to me, I may, 
upon receipt of the report made to me and of your Lord- 
ship’s orders, which alone I await, conclude the peace- 
agreements in the presence of the Sefior Baron de 
Ripperda. Accordingly, I refer again to my former 
communications relative to the matter of the very neces- 
sary equipment in way of flag, passport, and letters, 
which I have asked from your Lordship. 

I hope that I may merit from your Lordship the favor 
that you may feel assured that in all I do and shall do I 
do not forget that I have the honor of being subordinate 
to an illustrious chief, and even to represent him. For 
this reason I shall never engage in vain or ridiculous 
projects which might offend him or defeat the desired 
end, which, with divine help, I firmly hope to achieve 
in the enterprise of the treaties mentioned, not to men- 
tion another advantage greatly to be esteemed, but which 
I leave in silence until my return, when, if my plans do 
not turn out ill, it may be made palpable and indubitable. 

I have received a letter from my sister, Margarita de 
Montessons, in which she encloses another, from the 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 247 


most excellent Sefior Marqués de Grimaldi, directed to 
herself. In it his Excellency deigns to mention the let- 
ters in which he has already strongly recommended me 
(such are his words) and again recommends me, to the 
Sefior Governor-general of this Louisiana. In return 
for such great courtesy on his Excellency’s part I have 
the honor to report to him the many favors which I owe 
to your Lordship, and which to me are the strongest 
motive for making myself more and more meritorious 
of them by fulfilling my duty to the utmost. 

May our Lord guard, extend, and prosper the im- 
portant life of your Lordship the many years which I 
ask him. Fort of San Juan Baptista de Natchitoches, 
March 20, 1771. 

Sefior Captain-general, the hand of your Lordship is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 

ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 


78. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES *° 
ALOE ZZ Lina 


I am pleased with the warm welcome which you gave 
Father Estanislao, curate of that post, and at his satisfac- 
tion with it, as you tell me in your letter of February 28. 

I am also pleased with your report of the building of 
that church, and thank you for the honor shown me by 
the inscription on the stone. 

Illfounded rumors never cause fear to the heart of a 
man of honor, who should have for the object of his ac- 
tions the public welfare and the best service of the king. 
There is no other remedy for them but to despise them 
and to benefit one’s subjects as much as possible. Neither 
is there power to recall vague rumors. 

The coming of the cadets, your sons, to enter the ser- 


362 Reply to Document 74. 
363 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-2, no. 86. 


248 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


vice and to become soldiers cannot be regarded as having 
any other purpose than the good of the service itself, to 
whose aid we all should come; but thereby they receive a 
benefit such as they need and as others would desire. 

Boys under the protection of their parents and not 
subject to the discipline and rigor of the army become 
effeminate and useless for military service. If you de- 
vote them to this career, I know of no other recourse 
than that they should come to continue it here, and I 
await the decision in order that I may act. 

The most excellent Sefor Don Alexandro O Reylly 
might very well have left them attached to that post, but 
it need not be inferred that this attachment must last 
throughout your command there. He could very well 
have had a reason at that time for making the arrange- 
ment and I a different one now for detaching them. 
Every day the soldiers go from one place to another, and 
every minute garrisons are moved from one post to an- 
other, even when it is not necessary, and with no other 
purpose than to harden the soldier and inure him to 
campaigns and make him useful in war. 

Regarding the journey to the Indians, since you do 
not state the reasons why you think it likely to succeed, 
as I requested of you in my former letter, [ dare not per- 
mit it at present; but since you have informed me that 
peace with them is of great importance to the Spanish 
presidios of Adaes, etc., J will consult with the Baron de 
Ripperda concerning the matter, and in the light of his 
opinion suitable measures will be provided. 

There being no public funds [proprios] in that post 
from which to pay the algauciles, you may provide that 
services performed be charged to the interested party. 

The bear’s fat and skins in which you say some debts 
due the fisc were paid because of a lack of money, you 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 249 


will send on the first safe occasion to this capital, with a 
clear statement of the origin of the debts and of the 
amount for which the bear’s fat and skins have been re- 
ceived. God, etc., New Orleans, April 6, 1771. 

Postscript. It is well that M. Dartigo should remain 
in that post until he conveniently finishes his business, 
for if his time is limited, as you inform me, he will be 
done a great injury. But this [delay] must not be so 
long that [illegible] and fail in his obligations here. 
Dated as above. 


79. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
LEP ea echt ei i bias 


SENOR CAPTAIN-GENERAL— SIR: The cacique of the 
Acinais,**’ who, because of his well known loyalty and 
of the authority which he exercises over the neighboring 
pueblos, has been decorated with one of the five medals 
of his Majesty which were delivered to me by your most 
excellent predecessor to recompense our friends, has 
met in this fort with the most Reverend Father Presi- 
dent and visitor, Fray Pedro Ramirez, who has just ar- 
rived from Mexico to perform the task entrusted to him 
by the most excellent Sefior Viceroy, and with the com- 
mander of Los Adaes, Don Joseph Gonzales. The 
principal personages having gathered to receive the 
cacique, it has been learned, with the satisfaction which 
no doubt will be felt by your Lordship, that he came ex- 
pressly deputed by the enemies to secure and make solid 
the peace-agreements which were offered them in Octo- 
ber, as is shown by the official communication dated the 
twenty-second of that month and directed by me to your 
Lordship. ‘Those poor people, lacking the art used by 


364 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 84. 
365 Bigotes, or Sauto. 


250 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


civilized people of instructing their agents, have labori- 
ously supplied it by a skin in which the number of the 
nations is represented by that of the crosses, the cross 
[ being known to be] held as an object of greatest venera- 
tion among us. The nations are the Quitseys, Yscanis, 
Tuacanas, Tancaotieys, Taouaiares, or Panis Piques. 
This skin, which has the force of a contract, was sent 
immediately with a duplicate of this official communi- 
cation to the Sefor Baron de Ripperda, who, being so 
much interested in the peace of that province, will re- 
gard it with great satisfaction. 

In view of the good intention of those nations, and in 
order that they might have evidence that their decision 
is welcomed by the captains-general of both Louisiana 
and Texas, I decided to send them an embassy. For this 
purpose Monsieur le Blanc de Villeneufve*” zealously 
volunteered, and went at his own expense, to the great 
satisfaction of the cacique, who was highly pleased by 
his generosity, discourse, and dealings. [With him 
went] Reverend Father Fray Francisco Zedano, a 
Frenchman versed in the languages, two Spaniards, the 
said cacique, and a considerable following of friendly 
Indians. They bear special instructions to request the 
enemies to desist from their fears and to invite their 
chiefs to come here, where they will be entertained and 
regaled by me, and where everything possible will be 
done to persuade them to go at once to Bexar. With 
this in view they will be told how important it is that the — 


366 Cesaire le Blanc, or de Blanc, was apparently the nephew of De Mézieéres. 
St. Denis’s successor to the command of the post of Natchitoches in 1744 was 
Cesaire de Blanc, who on June 9, 1750, married Marie des Doleurs de St. 
Denis, daughter of St. Denis the elder. He was a native of Marseilles, and 
the son of Charles de Blanc, captain of a regiment of Champagne, and Dame 
Marguerite Despagnet. He died in 1763, and was buried on the ninth of April 
by Fray Ignacio Laba, of the Texas missions, in default of a curate at Natch- 
itoches [Church records of the parish of Natchitoches]. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 251 


peace-agreements which they hope for be ratified by the 
Sefior Baron de Ripperda. 

Besides the deputation of the cacique of the Acinais, 
day before yesterday couriers came to me from the ‘Tua- 
canas with the news that those Indians had come to the 
same decision and were making the same petition. 

And Don Mathias le Court, a retired officer now re- 
siding in Cadodachos, also sends me the report of the 
arrival at that village of the cacique of the Taouaiazés, 
who not only protested that in the future he wished to 
maintain harmony with the Spaniards, but offered to 
attack any of the other tribes who might disturb it; in 
pledge of his promise he left two hostages until he re- 
turns from seeing me, which will be in the autumn. 

The Comanchés, or Naytanés, are at present at war 
with all the foregoing. Their transit to San Antonio de 
Bexar being for this reason cut off, and they now being 
unarmed, or better, with only the bow and arrow, it 
seems difficult for them to commit the robberies and 
perfidies which formerly they were in the habit of doing, 
with different munitions, especially when they know 
that on their return they cannot escape the vigilance 
of their enemies, if perchance they should escape them 
during theirentry. Butas the Sefior Baron de Ripperda 
insists that it is very important that a like peace be estab- 
lished with the Comanche, I will do what I can to bring 
it about. 

Such, then, is the actual state of the Indians. Of what 
may [result] from the deputation sent by me to their 
pueblos and of the concourse which their caciques may 
hold here, I will report to your Lordship. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship many happy years. Fort of San Juan Baptista de 
Natchitoches, July 3, 1771. 


252 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


Sefior Governor-general, your Lordship’s hand is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 
ATHAN!° DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Governor-general of la Luisiana. 


80. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
APSE ED Ges trae ei 


SIR: Herewith follows a copy of the letter which, 
under date of April 23, last, the Sefior Baron de Rip- 
perda does me the honor of writing me: 


My pear Sir anD Master: I wrote you by the courier 
from the most excellent Sefior Viceroy of this New Spain to the 
Senor Governor-general of that province, and now I am sending 
a letter by the Rev. Father President Fray Pedro Ramires, who 
is going in to visit those missions. For this reason I have asked 
him to take charge of the delivery of the supplies which I am 
sending; and I am so bold as to molest you by asking you to re- 
ceive him in your house, for this father assures that in Los Adaés 
there is no place where he can stay so much to his satisfaction. 
From there the Father will distribute all that he may think 
proper, you being so good as to retain the remainder, and not to 
distribute it to the soldiers except in the way which the Father 
shall have arranged, for at the present time they owe me a great 
deal and pay no attention to requests. 

I should be grateful if you would send me the list, which you 
tell me you failed to send by the soldiers on account of the hurry 
in which they left, showing the debts owed by the soldiers of 
Los Adaes to the inhabitants there, for, although many have not 
the wherewith to pay, and many of the debts are for the vice of 
brandy, it is only just that in the best way possible they be paid 
when they are verified [illegible ] which [illegible] in Los Adaes; 
in which I [illegible] achieving the honor [illegible] like [illegi- 
ble] of you and your family, with my wife, who likewise would 
like it, but God has been pleased to interfere with this plan in 
many ways. Finally I wish to acknowledge the letter which you 
sent me on the same occasion, [with] a copy of the official com- 
munication which you had sent to the Sefior Governor-general of 


367 Pap, Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-2, no. 1o5a. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 253 


that province. I reported to the most excellent Sefior Viceroy 
concerning the matter; and I have been greatly pleased to note 
the means which you took to secure the treaty with the chiefs 
who met there, and that although they did not agree to come to 
make peace with me here, nor to go to Los Adaés, they at least 
showed themselves disposed to return later to treat with you of 
said peace, and to go to live near San Pedro, not coming to make 
incursions in this district. I assure you that I would esteem 
nothing else you could do so much, and I think that by nothing 
else could you so greatly serve both majesties as by effecting peace 
for us with those nations and the Comanchés; and I hope that you 
will lack nothing necessary to effect it. 

This year the Indians have begun very early to trouble us. 
They have been recognized as the Tancagué, Jaraname, and 
Biday tribes, mixed with some others, their allies, and it appears 
now that the Comanchéz have begun to come. ‘This keeps these 
troops in constant motion. ‘Three of our soldiers have just at 
this writing been killed by them, but half of the horses they stole 
were recovered, [and one] who appeared to be captain was killed, 
who [illegible] contrary. Finally, I look.to you for the tran- 
quillity of this province. 

I greatly desire an opportunity to favor you, and hope that 
God may guard your life as many years as possible. 


In view of the foregoing, of my official communica- 
tion number 1 of this same date referring to the deputa- 
tion from the cacique of the Acinays, of the couriers 
who have come from the Tuacanas, and of the journey 
of the Tavaiazés Indians to the village of Cadodachos, 
I beg your Lordship to please permit me to fulfill the 
promise which I made to those nations to go to visit 
them, because, my way having been blocked by your 
Lordship’s decision to consult with the governor of 
Texas whether it was convenient or not, and it being 
necessary for me to wait for an answer from that gentle- 
man to adjust to his opinion that which appears [1l- 
legible] in an invisible [illegible] pledged to those na- 
tives my sincere [illegible] and fail in it, puts me in 


254 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


danger [illegible] their material and suspicious under- 
standings, they will impute it to different ideas on our 
part, very contrary to their welfare. Finally I have no 
other interest than that of his majesty, the welfare and 
peace of my fellow citizens, the docility and submission 
of the natives, and the success and luster of your Lord- 
ship’s happy government. 

May God preserve and prosper the important life of 
your Lordship the many years which I ask. Fort of 
San Juan Baptista de Natchitoches, July 3, 1771. 

Senor Governor-general, your Lordship’s hand is 
kissed by your most humble servant, 

ATHAN!9O DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Governor-general of la Luisiana. 


81. UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA TO DE MEZIERES 
OCTOBER ay 1770-7 


Not forgetting that among the benefits which you 
have informed me were resulting to the citizens of this 
province from the peace which you effected with the 
savages, one is the free extension through this means, by 
the commercial body, of trade beyond the nations with 
whom it was formerly conducted, and in consequence 
the royal name of his Catholic Majesty, I desire that 
if you have confidence in this peace, you shall furnish 
the traders the necessary passports,’ that they may go to 
these nations recently become friends, charging them 
with the good conduct which they should observe toward 
them, and the good faith they ought to keep with them. 

I enclose the adjoining despatch to the end that you 
may remit the funds produced by the sale of the prop- 





868 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-2, no. 94. 

869 This document, apparently, was the authority on which De Méziéres 
proceeded to establish traders in the villages of the new allies. See “Introduc- 
tion,” page 95. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 255 


erty of the surgeon Juan Bonefont, as you have informed 
me, in order that they may be deposited in the hands of 
the depository general, where they should await the dis- 
position of his heirs in case he has any. 

God etc. New Orleans, October 4, 1771. 
Sefior Don Atanazio Demeziere. 


82. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO DE MEZIERES 
OCTOBER 177 TF 


SENOR LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF NATCHITOCHES: I 
am writing to you, although in haste, by our head chief 
called Sauto, to give you the sincerest thanks both for the 
attentive and instructive letters with which you were 
pleased to favor me, in which you reported everything 
to me, and which I will answer on the first opportunity, 
as well as for the peace-agreements which in that post 
and the presidio of Los Adaés were effected with such 
dexterity. To this end the said head chief came with 
forty-odd persons of his tribe in company with the Rev- 
erend Father Pedro Ramires and Father Francisco 
Zedano, who likewise have labored so hard and with 
such pains that they merit the greatest consideration. 

The head chief has been here with his people and four 
Bidais who joined him on the way. Among them is a 
so-called Christobal, of no prepossessing mien, and 
Gorgoritos,*” alias Melchor, whom, upon report of the 
head chief (for all those whom in the future I shall 
name, of whatever nation it be, must be recommended 
by him), I have named captain of his nation, the Bidais; 
but the first [Sauto] has been named head chief of all 
the nations known in these parts, as you will see by the 
title which I have given him, it being done with all the 





370 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-2, no. 96. 
871 See Document 84. 


256 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





solemnity possible. I trust, from your zeal and activity, 
that you will take advantage of every opportunity to 
make more and more secure the treaties with the nations 
who assembled, and to effect them with those who have 


not yet granted them. I 

WL. WPA wish that the rest of the 

miseT i Aine nations had come, but the 

head chief says he has 

[Facsimile of the signature of the Baron Come as their representa- 

ee ha ae tive, and persists in saying 

that they will come in good time, which they must do 
by sending a few ahead with the royal banner. 

Be assured of the grateful affection with which I am 
very anxious to serve you, as I ask God to preserve your 
life the many years which [ desire. San Antonio de 
Bexar, October 7, 1771. 

Your hand is kissed by your most affectionate servant 
and faithful friend, EL BARON DE RIPPERDA [rubric]. 


83. TREATY WITH THE TAOVAYAS 
OCTOBER 271977000 


Articles of Peace granted to the Taouaiazés Indians, 
they being also mediators for the Comanché Tribe, 
their allies 


In the name of the Most Holy Trinity, here follow 
the capitulations entered into with the Taouaiazes chiefs, 
they having met for this purpose in the Royal Fort of 
San Juan Bautista de Natchitoches on the 27th day of 
October, 1771 and being also mediators for the Co- 
manches. Done in the presence of the great Cacique of 
Cadodachos, Tin-hi-duen,** who guided and accom- 
panied the Taouaiazés chiefs. 





372 Prov, Int., vol. 20. Also in Historia, vol. 51. 
373 It was Tinhiotien who was chief spokesman in favor of the treaties at 
Cadodachos in 1770. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 257 


STIPULATIONS 


ist. hat from this day hence- 
forth they shall cease their incur- 
sions and their attacks upon all 
of the presidios of his Majesty, his 
subjects, and property of what- 
ever kind. 


2nd. That in order to obviate 
evil consequences, when they may 
have occasion to approach San An- 
tonio de Bexar because of their 
wars with the Apachés, they shall 
not pass inland beyond the said 
presidio without going to it to 
give notice of their intentions, be- 
ing assured that they will be en- 
tertained and well treated. 

3rd. That they shall try to 
prevent other tribes, their allies, 
especially the Comanchés, from 
committing hostilities as they for- 
merly have done; and that if they 
do not comply, the Taouaiazés 
shall suspend all communication 
and intercourse with them and 
consider them as enemies. 


4th. That if any one, guided 
by bad inclination, disobedience to 
the chiefs, and insolence, shall 
commit murders or thefts, he 
shall pay with his life, so that the 
tribe may not be considered ac- 
complices. 

5th. That they shall restore 
the two pieces of artillery that 


RESPONSES 


Ist. It is answered that they 
came for no other purpose [than 
to promise this]; that they have 
considered it well; that it is in 
order to give assurance of this by 
word of mouth that they have 
come from such remote lands; 
that their intentions are good and 
will endure. 

and. It is answered that they 
will comply, and that they rejoice 
at this provision. 


3rd. It is answered in the af- 
firmative, but added that the 
Comancheés will not take up arms; 
that they have already gone to 
New Mexico, where treaties have 
been granted them, for which 
they are grateful and which they 
will try to keep always; and that 
it is for this purpose that they 
have taken advantage of their me- 
diation. 

4th. It is answered that this is 
satisfactory, and that, if such a 
thing should happen, they will 
bring the head of the malefactor, 
as a proof that the offense has 
been avenged. 


5th. It is answered that when- 
ever they may be sent for they 


258 


were left in the former expedi- 
tion.37* : 

6th. That in case there are any 
Christian captives 37° in their vil- 
lages, they shall be set at liberty. 


7th. That all shall acknowl- 
edge themselves subjects of his 
Catholic Majesty (may God pre- 
serve him), under whose mild 
rule this province of Luisiana has 
fallen, just as formerly they were 
subjects of his most Christian 
Majesty. 

8th. That if his Majesty should 
consider it advisable to establish 
presidios in their territories, they 
shall not oppose, but, rather, shall 
aid and succor the presidials, re- 
ceiving pay for such assistance. 

oth. That, as a pledge of their 
word, sometime during the winter 
they shall go, together with the 
Comanchés, to Bexar, to see the 
governor-general of the province, 
to which end they shall carry the 
royal flag that will be given them, 
and also my letters, and shall be 
received as friends. 

10th. ‘That they shall never al- 
low the Indians of our missions 
to enter their villages; and, that 
if they should enter them, they 
shall be sent back to their own 
people. 

11th. ‘That as visible evidence 


ATHANASE DE MEZIERES 


[ Vol. 


will be returned at once and with 
pleasure. 

6th. It is answered that there 
are none in their village[s] but 
that they will speak to the Co- 
manches, who may have some 
among them, so that they may be 
freed. 

7th. It is unanimously an- 
swered in the affirmative. 


8th. It is answered that this 
proposal pleases them greatly, and 
that they hope they will go as 
soon as possible. 


oth. It is replied that they will 
do so, in company with the Co- 
manchez. 


1oth. It is answered in the af- 
firmative. 


11th. It was answered in the 


374'The cannon left by Parrilla in 1759. 
375 For an example of white captives among the Indian tribes, see page 216. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 259 


of the reliability of their word, the affirmative, and they went and 
war hatchet shall at once be buried buried it. 

by their hands in sight of the 

whole village, and that he who 

again uses it shall die. 


+ -+ -+- Crosses, which the Taouaiazés chiefs made instead 
of signing. 

+ + Crosses which the Cacique of the Cadodachos made in- 
stead of signing. 

Notables present: Athanacio de Mezieres, Josef 
Gonzalez, Remigio Poisot, Antonio Charbonet, LeMeé, 
Roujot, Rambin, LaBerry, Pedro Besson, DuBois, Fa- 
cende Moriere, De Lassige, De Lissard Jouhannis, 
Marcolay, LeBlanc, Juan Josef Pacheco [rubrics]. 

In virtue of the capitulations contained on the pre- 
ceding folio, we, Don Athanazio de Mezieres, captain 
of infantry and lieutenant-governor of the District of 
Natchitoches, and Don Josef Gonzalez, lieutenant of 
cavalry and commandant of the royal presidio of Nu- 
estra Sefiora del Pilar de los Adaes, representing, on the 
one hand, the Sefior Colonel Don Luiz de Unzaga y 
Amezaga, governor-general of the Province of Luizi- 
ana, etc., and, on the other, the Sefior Colonel Don Juan 
Maria Baron de Ripperda, governor and captain-gen- 
eral of the Province of the New Philippines, etc., cer- 
tify that we have granted the tribes of the Taouvaiaz 
and the Comanchés the treaties which they have come 
to seek, after having assured ourselves, in so far as it has 
been possible, of the sincerity of their good professions. 
This we certify, in the royal fort of San Juan Baptista 
de Natchitoches, October 28, 1771. 

Notables present: Athanacio de Mezieres, Josef Gon- 
zales, Poisot, LeMeé, Fazende Moriere, Rambin, 
Marcolay, La Berry, Ant? Charbonet, Roujot, De Las- 
sige, J" Josef Pacheco, Dubois, Le Blanc [ rubrics]. 


260 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 





Compared with the original, which is deposited in the 
archives of this fort, to which I certify. 
Natchitoches, March 10, 1772. 
ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
I, the Baron de Ripperda, colonel of cavalry and gov- 
ernor and commandant-general of this province of 
Texas, New Philippines, etc., certify that, there having 
entered this royal presidio on the seventh day of the 
present month five Indians of the Taouayas nation, bear- 
ing a Spanish flag with the Cross of Borgofia [ Bur- 
gundy], among them being two chiefs, he who was 
leader, named Quirotaches, ratified, on this the said 
date, the preceding capitulations, each one separately, 
after they had been well explained through one of the 
said Indians, named Jacob, who knows the French lan- 
guage. All of this was done in my presence and wit- 
nessed by the captain of this presidio, Don Luis Antonio 
Menchaca, and that of El Orcoquiza, Don Rafael 
Pacheco, the Indians performing the ceremonies cus- 
tomary in these cases, that of burying the war hatchet 
and receiving their presents. 
San Antonio de Bexar, April 27, 1772. 
EL BARON DE RIPPERDA [rubric]. 
Luis ANT° MENCHACA [rubric]. 
RAFAEL MARZ. PACHECO [ rubric]. 


84. DECLARATION OF GORGORITOS, BIDAI CHIEF 
DECEMBER 21, 1770 37° 

Fortof San Juan Baptista de Natchitoches, Dec. 21, 1770. 
I, Don Melchor, otherwise called Gorgoritos, chief 
of all the bands of the Biday nation, certify that on my 
return from San Antonio de Bexar, whither I went with 
other nations, led by the great cacique Sauto, for the 
purpose of seeing ratified by the governor-general of the 





376 Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 188-1, no. 83. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 261 


province of Tejas the general peace-agreements which 
were granted to the Nations of the North, I met the 
chiefs of the Apaches, who sought to make peace with 
us, protesting their good intentions; that they would 
never commit any depredations whatever to the injury of 
the Spaniards or of the Indians; that I should so inform 
the chiefs of Los Adaés and Natchitoches, in order that 
they might have mercy on them and not deny them the 
common benefit now enjoyed by all those formerly en- 
emies, and that they should not be caused the deep shame 
of having their petition rejected; and that if it should be 
granted they would come in person, and this soon, to the 
said presidios of Los Adaés and Natchitoches to mani- 
fest their desires and dispositions by word of mouth. 
Having fulfilled this mission, with pleasure propor- 
tionate to the benefit which I expect, both of the said 
chiefs have answered that it is well; that the invincible 
and merciful king of Spain never denies peace to In- 
dians who are truly repentant; and that therefore I may 
notify the Apachés, which I promise to do, that if they 
come they will be received and will accomplish their 
desire. 

I also testify that, having been charged by the said 
chiefs of Los Adaes and Natchitoches to prevent the 
Carancaoueys, Coxos, etc. who live near the sea from 
doing any more damage to the life or to the property of 
whites who may have the misfortune to be shipwrecked 
on the coast, causing them, instead, to rescue, treat hu- 
manely, entertain, and take them to Christian settle- 
ments, with especial promise that their services shall be 
remunerated, I have pledged my word and I now agree 
to utilize the maritime nations, my allies,*” to achieve so 
good a purpose, as well as that of delivering all the In- 





377 This passage is evidence of a very close relationship between the Bidai- 
Arkokisa group and the Karankawan tribes on the coast. 


262 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





dians, fugitives from the missions of La Bahya del 
Espiritu Santo or Bexar, or any other, who may now or 
in future be found in the bands of my command. And 
in testimony of the truth I made a cross, in the presence 
of the said commandants of Natchitoches and Adaes, 
the interpreter, and other principal personages. Long 
live the Catholic king of Spain. 
X, Cross which, in place of signature, was made by 
the Hee of the nitiees 
ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES. 
X, Cross made by another chief of the Bidays. 
LE BLANC DE VILLE NEUFVE. 
JOSEPH GONSALE[S], Witness. 
NICOLAS DELASSIZE, Witness. 
X, Cross which instead of signature was made by the 
interpreter Francisco de Salas Gomez. 


85. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO UNZAGA Y AMEZA- 
GA, DECEMBER 31, 1771 3% 


My DEAR LorD AND MASTER: The lack of facilities 
for sending messages to that province, the customary 
turmoil,*” and the incredible labor which this unhappy 
position imposes upon me, have kept me from replying 
to your Lordship’s letters, which I received with the 
greatest pleasure, including one recently brought by 
M. Menard, who goes to Mexico to attempt to collect 
his debts. With respect to those debts which he tells me 
he has to collect from my soldiers, I will try to enable 
him to do it, as your Lordship suggests, for I desire to 
please you and to do whatever may contribute to your 
greatest satisfaction. ‘This Menard tells me that he did 
not give to Don Nicolas Forastal any due bill against 


878 Bancroft Coll., Louisiana. 





879 Violentas. 1 do not find the word as a noun, in any dictionary at my 
command. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 263 


persons of this province, but merely a statement of the 
persons in it who were his creditors. However, if the 
opportunity presents itself I will, so far as I am able, 
carry out your Lordship’s recommendations, although 
I must inform you how easy it is for all of these people 
to contract debts, which is facilitated by the use of funds 
which they do not possess, so that even though they are 
watched over they are always in debt. Therefore I beg 
your Lordship to please order that in no place within 
your jurisdiction shall anything be furnished to persons 
of this province, for everything furnished will be lost 
unless they pay voluntarily. 

Under date of April 6 your Lordship deigned to in- 
form me, by duplicate, what your lieutenant-governor 
of the post of Natchitoches, Captain Don Atanasio De- 
mezieres, urgently represented to you, asking permis- 
sion to repeat the journey to Los Cadodachos to effect 
the treaty promised last year by the chiefs of some of the 
nations who had made war upon us, with whom he met, 
in order that they might have no room to doubt his sin- 
cerity, and since he had promised them that he would 
return. To my great regret I could not reply at the 
time, for the reason stated, as well as because I was much 
farther than your Lordship from those nations and from 
Los Cadodachos, and consequently lacked the exact 
information which was necessary. At the same time, I 
was assured that the Tauacana chief who in the meeting 
held by M. Demesiers appeared so repentant and of- 
fered to make peace was the same one who, among oth- 
ers, was killed early this year by a detachment of my 
troops who were recovering a few horses which they, 
together with the people of that nation, the Vidais, and 
others, had taken from us three days before. 

There was a noteworthy difference of opinions with 


264 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


respect to the best method of securing a firm and per- 
manent peace; consequently I decided to take advantage 
of the entry of the father president of the missions of the 
interior of this province, and of a lay brother, his con- 
ductor and companion, both able and known among the 
several nations through the dealings of years, especially 
the lay brother, who speaks some of their languages. I 
charged them to inform themselves of everything, and 
to make presents to the Indian chiefs on my account, as 
they should see fit, especially to the principal chief of 
the Texas, then called Vigotes, in order that he might 
mediate with the rest of the nations, for his has never 
made war upon ours. And although they found the 
Vidays urging the other nations to go with them to 
avenge the outrages which they suffered on the occasion 
mentioned, yet they found this Texa chief already plan- 
ning to mediate with four nations the treaty of peace 
which Don Atanacio Demezieres had offered. Through 
Vigotes these nations promptly gave the father president 
two buffalo skins, signifying by one, which was white, 
that the roads were open and free from blood, and by 
the other, which had four crosses painted on it, the 
treaty of peace which that many nations were ready to 
make. This chief went to Los Adaes with the fathers, 
who continued with him and the lieutenant of that pre- 
sidio to the presidio of Natchitoches, at the immediate 
request of the lieutenant-governor of that place, that 
he might complete the work which he had begun the 
year before at Los Cadodachos. The father president 
reported to me the care and skill with which he had 
them harangued at length,** having assembled the prin- 
cipal persons of the pueblo, in order that they might be 


880 This passage is ambiguous, it not being clear whether reference is made 
to the speaking at Cadodachos in 1770, or at Natchitoches in 1771, but the 
latter seems to be the meaning. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 265 


witnesses, and how, having made the Indians liberal 
presents, he had the good fortune that the chief men- 
tioned should go with some Indians to confer on the 
matter with the tribes, accompanied by Don Luis Pablo 
le Blanc, the lay brother mentioned, and two citizens 
of Natchitoches and Los Adaes. 

They succeeded in bringing four chiefs of the Quit- 
seis, Yscanes, Tauacanas and Cainiones, who solemnly 
made peace in Natchitoches, with all the customary 
ceremonies, speaking also for the Tancaues, but being 
doubtful of the Comanches and Tauayares, who are the 
farthest distant but also the most powerful and the ones 
who have caused the most damage in this province. 
The said lieutenant, Don Atanasio Demezieres, as the 
representative of your Lordship, and the lieutenant of 
Los Adaes, as my representative, together with the fa- 
thers and the Indian chiefs, covered themselves with the 
_ royal banner, as a sign of the union of all and as a token 
that those who live in La Luisiana are now as much 
Spaniards as the people of the rest of the provinces of 
our Catholic monarch. Having been given liberal 
presents, especially by the lieutenant-governor of that 
post, all went away well pleased, although they excused 
themselves from coming to ratify the treaties in San 
Antonio, both on account of the distance and because 
they had been called to go on an expedition against their 
enemies, the Osages. 

On the part of these tribes only the chief Vigotes 
came here with the fathers. He brought forty-odd per- 
sons of his nation and three Vidais, who maliciously 
joined them on the road and continually influenced them 
with tales harmful to us and favorable to the Apaches, 
toward whom they tried to make them friendly, which 
they succeeded in doing upon their return. After they 


266 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


had been several days here and in the mission of San 
Joseph,** where the father president resides, and had 
ratified the treaties on behalf of the nations for whom 
they were made, they promised that representatives 
would come from those nations during the good season 
of the following year. I gave them their presents and 
clothed the chief; and in consideration of the service 
performed through his good offices and of the fact that 
he had the medal of merit sent him by the most excel- 
lent Sefor Don Alexandro OReylli, I named him and 
armed him as head chief [capitan grande] of all these 
nations, decorating him anew by my hand with the royal 
medal and giving him the said title of head chief. At 
the same time he was given the name of Sauto, that of 
Vigotes being put aside. This ceremony was performed 
in the presence of the portrait of the king, the troops 
under arms, and the principal personages, ecclesiastical 
and secular, the act being solemnized as well as was pos- 
sible in this poor establishment.** 

But Sauto having set out, accompanied by his people 
and escorted by a captain with thirty soldiers as far as 
he might wish, it was arranged, evidently by the Vidays, 
that the second day of the march, as soon as the soldiers 
had departed, they should meet as if by chance** an 
Apache chief with more than a hundred men. But 
upon the report of Captain Sauto, the soldiers returned 
to join him as soon as possible; and, they advising me, on 
the next day I reinforced the detachment with as many 
men as I could, to cause greater respect. But being 
neutrals, they did nothing except to witness the treaties 


381 Mission San José y San Miguel de Aguayo, founded about five miles . 
below San Antonio in 1720, by the College of Nuestra Sefora de Guadalupe, 
of Zacatecas, with the aid of the Marqués de San Miguel de Aguayo, and 
named in his honor. 

382 Pequenez. 

383 Fn contradisos con. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 267 


which the Apaches obliged the Texas to make with 
them. In proof of this, they were together a whole night 
carrying on their barter, then, separating, each nation 
went to its own country. 

Some of the Texas remained with the Apaches, who, 
passing near the presidio, failed to enter it according 
to the custom by which some of them come with their 
chiefs. Instead they committed depredations among the 
cattle with greater insolence than before, and have con- 
tinued to do so ever since, with increasing excesses. 
Many horses have been missed also, and the Indians of 
their nation who were in the mission have run away. 
The last of these, it appears, fled at the advice of an 
Apache who a few days ago went toward Texas with an 
Indian of the Texas nation, who had been among the 
Apaches since the treaties. ‘They said that they had 
been dispatched by the Apache chiefs to call a gather- 
ing, in this neighborhood, of Texas, Vidais, Apaches, 
and others if they wished to joinintheir treaties. From 
this the worst consequences are to be feared, for, allied 
with the Indians of the interior, they are capable of raz- 
ing these presidios as well as those of Coahuila, although 
that province has more means and safeguards than this, 
the same as has happened in Chihuagua and other 
places; for besides the great numbers of that nation, 
since they have been at peace with the Vidays they are 
well supplied with fusils and ammunition. 

But once they are separated from the interior tribes, 
I feel sure that if they should come to declare themselves 
they would meet their punishment at our hands, notwith- 
standing the fact that they are domestic enemies, es- 
pecially considering the apostates who have joined them, 
among whom there are some extremely dexterous in 
their mode of warfare. And your Lordship, being in 


268 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


formed of the matter, can cooperate on your part to per- 
suade the nations which you have on your frontier to 
give up whatever intention they may have of joining the 
Apaches, and prevent others from joining them, provid- 
ing that they be subjected to influences and rumors most 
suitable tothisend. I hope that your Lordship will not 
omit any means to prevent this evil, as great as it is 
obvious. 

From all foregoing your Lordship will see not only 
that there seems to be no objection to having Don Atan- 
asio Demezieres go to treat of peace with the interior 
nations between that province, that of New Mexico, 
and this, but that whenever there is any thing to arrange 
with them I think that he will know the best method 
of bringing this about suitably to the service of both 
majesties. 

At the same time I hope that your Lordship will util- 
ize my small worth and faculties, for, in so far as they 
may avail, you will find them prompt to serve in every- 
thing best calculated to please you, and to pray that our 
Lord may preserve the life of your Lordship as long as 
he can. San Antonio de Bexar, Dec. 31, 1771. 

The hand of your Lordship is kissed by your most at- 
tentive and faithful servant. 

EL BARON DE RIPPERDA [ rubric]. 
Sefior Don Luis de Unzaga y Amezaga. 

[ Postscript] Some citizens of Los Adaes, who carry 
this letter, having deferred setting out until the third of 
this month, I had them return that night on account of 
the report which I received that a party of ten men, in 
pursuit of some fugitives from the missions, were that 
afternoon about nine leagues from this presidio near 
Guadalupe, when a soldier, the guide, set out to examine 
the country. Meeting with fourteen or sixteen Indians, 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 269 


who appeared to him to be from the interior, and whom 
he thought were not Comanches, they pursued him more 
than two leagues, obliging him to discard his saddle and 
all that he carried except his firelock. Finally, his horse 
playing out, he succeeded in hiding, on foot, in the for- 
est, and after great hardships, in reaching his compan- 
ions. Yesterday a captain, with as many men as he 
could get, set out to reconnoiter the country. 


86. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO THE VICEROY 
AUR 25.7772 884 


MOsT EXCELLENT SIR—SIR: My obligation as a 
faithful subject and servant of the king, which I ever try 
to fulfill, makes it my duty to inform your Excellency 
that the manifest advantages of maintaining the peace 
which we are happily securing with different barbarian 
nations of this north cannot be achieved without supply- 
ing them with annual gifts and affording them trade 
in guns and munitions as well. ‘This should be done in 
such a way that it can not be charged, as ordinarily hap- 
pens, to the governor’s greed or desire for gain, but in 
some other way, independent of him and legal.**” For, 
as they are now accustomed to the presents which in 
Luisiana were annually given to the friendly nations, 
and even now continue to be given on account of the 
king, at least to the faithful Cadodachos, and to trading 
their peltry for guns, munitions, breech-cloths,*** hunt- 
ing-knives, beads, and other things which they prize, 
they despise friends who do not afford this trade. It is 
more to their interest to make war on us; for, in ex- 


384 Prov. Int., vol. 20, f. 1. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 1. 

385 Tt has seemed necessary here to turn a rather awkward positive construc- 
tion into a negative one. 

886 Taparravos. 1 have not been able to find this word in any dictionary, 
but it is used in Mexico to-day in the sense given here. The article to which it 
now applies is a rather wide strip of cloth wound around the middle of the body. 


270 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


change for the horses which they steal they secure what- 
ever they desire from the French; and, failing to get it 
from them, they will obtain it easily, and with greater 
injury to us, from the English, whom they have so close 
by that only the Misissipi intervenes; and even from 
across the Misuri, if they should ever make peace with 
the Osages, Guasers, and other nations whom they*”’ 
protect and provide with better and cheaper arms and 
munitions, teaching them whatever may be prejudicial 
to us. It is undeniable that if we keep all these in- 
terior nations *** devoted to us and hostile to those which 
England protects, not only **’ will they serve as a bul- 
wark in time of war with this nation, but, besides, the 
Osages and other enemies of these tribes can easily be 
driven to the other side of the Misuri, whenever, leaving 
this river at our front as a barrier, it may be found con- 
venient to advance the line of presidios to New Mexico 
from the Misissipi, which river now serves as the bound- 
ary on our right. Thereby much good country would 
be added, and the union with these tribes would con- 
tribute, likewise, to subjecting in a large measure and 
to beating down the pride of the obnoxious Apaches. 
And since your Excellency perchance may be pleased to 
know what was agreed upon with the Tavayas nation in 
the treaty which they made at Natchitoches and have 
just ratified here, I enclose for your Excellency the cer- 
tified copy of that treaty *’ which Don Atanasio Deme- 
zieres transmitted tome. The Tavayas nation is one of 
those whose friendship is most important to us, they hav- 
ing from two thousand to three thousand warriors. In- 


387 Though the sentence is ambiguous, it seems clear from the context that 
the English are meant here. 

388 T.e. the Nations of the North, not the Osages, etc. 

389 The assi como, taken together with zo tam solo, is redundant. 

390 Estos pazes. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 271 


deed, only the Comanches exceed them of all the follow- 
ing nations: the Quitseis, Cainiones, T'ancaues, ‘Taua- 
canas, and Yscanes, with a portion of the Jaranames. 
The greater part of these last are apostates from the 
missions of La Bahia who are attached to the others and 
to whom the restitution of fugitives from the missions 
which is promised in the treaties ** does not apply —for 
the same treaties of peace were celebrated last year with 
these nations months earlier than with the auayares, 
through the mediation of the father president of the 
missions of the College of Guadalupe de Zacatecas and 
Fray Francisco Sedano,*” his companion, who for the last 
twenty years has frequented many of the nations named, 
as he goes to the interior nearly every year*”* with the 
supplies. I likewise enclose for your Excellency a copy 
of the official report which the said Demezieres recently 
sent to his governor, to the end that your Excellency 
may be informed of everything and may order me what- 
ever may be your pleasure. Meanwhile, I beg our Lord 
to preserve the important life of your Excellency many 
years. San Antonio de Bexar, April 28, 1772. 

Most excellent Sir, your most affectionate and re- 
spectful servant kisses your Excellency’s hand. 

THE BARON DE RIPPERDA** [rubric ]. 

Most excellent Sir Fray Don Antonio Maria Bucareli 

y Ursua. 

[Endorsement] Mexico, June 15,1772. To the Fis- 
cal. Bucareli. 


391 See the treaty, Document 83. 

392 In the Talamantes copy the name is spelled Sedavo. ‘The treaty referred 
to was signed at Natchitoches, July 30, 1771. The original is in Pap. Proc. de 
Cuba, leg. 2368, no. 2036. 

393 The Talamantes copy changes pues los mas entra con los avios to puestos 
mas, etc., which is untranslatable, and manifestly erroneous. 

894 Tt will be noted here that Ripperda did not accent his name in writing; 
yet it was the custom for his contemporaries to do so. 


272 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


87. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO UNZAGA Y AMEZA- 
GA, MAY 26, 1772 3% 


My DEAR SIR: With great pleasure I received your 
Lordship’s letter of the 3d ultimo, together with one for 
Don Atanasio Demezieres. They were brought by two 
soldiers of Los Adaes in thirteen days, including four 
days during which they were delayed in the rancherias 
of the Texas for the purpose of exchanging their worn 
out horses. As evidence that chief Sauto is very friendly 
to us I must inform your Lordship that he very will- 
ingly traded them a horse, the stallion of his drove, not- 
withstanding the fact that, having been in Natchitoches 
a few days before, accompanied by the reverend father 
minister of the mission of Nacogdoches, and having 
presented himself to the lieutenant-governor ad interim, 
Don Joseph de la Pefia,*** the latter gave him nothing 
and took no notice of him, being ignorant of the custom 
no doubt. Sauto returned very much offended and 
complaining, they tell me, to Los Adaes, where he con- 
soled himself with the honor of assembling the inhab- 
itants and the handful of soldiers for the purpose of hav- 
ing read the commission as head chief which I gave him, 
the ceremony being concluded with a salute of three 
guns and the giving of a present to him on my account. 
He later advised me that I must have another present 
ready for him in the autumn, when he would come with 
many people. 

This nation has always been friendly toward the Span- 
iards; but last year, knowing that they were inclined to 
unite with our enemies, stimulated by their importuni- 
ties and false representations, especially since they lost 
a Tauacana chief, who among others was killed by our 


395 Bancroft Coll., Louisiana. 
896 As will be seen later, Pena antagonized both De Méziéres and Riper 
as well as Chief Bigotes. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 273 


soldiers; and knowing that the Vidays, who were mak- 
ing war on us under the cloak of friendship, were their 
principal influence against us and in favor of the 
Apaches, with whom they were trying to have the Texas 
make peace, I took advantage of the entry of the Rever- 
end Father President Fray Pedro Ramirez and his com- 
panion, the lay guide Fray Francisco Sedano, an old 
acquaintance of various nations and very clever in deal- 
ing with them. They succeeded in dissuading Sauto 
and took him with them to Los Adaes; and M. Deme- 
zieres requesting that they should send him to Natchi- 
toches, they complied. There such efficacious measures, 
which were very heartily concurred in by M. Deme- 
zieres, were taken that they fortunately succeeded in 
inducing this Vigotes (now Sauto), to go with the lay 
brother and Luis Pablo le Blanc to treat of peace for 
us with the nations which, I am persuaded, were already 
favorable as a result of the exhortation made them the 
year before by Don Atanasio at the conference which 
he held with them at your Lordship’s order.*” ‘The 
result was that we succeeded in our purpose, secured in 
consequence a similar treaty with the Tauayas, and are 
expecting the most favorable results from the journey 
which, with your Lordship’s well-considered instruc- 
tions, he is at present undertaking among the nations 
who have made peace with us, and, I believe, even 
among the Comancha nation. From that tribe this pre- 
sidio has lately suffered much hostility, notwithstanding 
the fact that that I have sent to them two of their women 
(two of three women and a girl brought me in Febru- 
ary by a detachment of soldiers—the other woman and 
the girl remaining as hostages) with a present for their 
principal chief, called Pubea, and accompanied for five 


397 This passage, it will be noted, concedes to De Méziéres the credit for 
securing the treaties. 


274 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


days by a detachment of soldiers. As was seen, and as 
was confirmed by five Tauayas who later came with the 
Spanish flag received in Natchitoches at the time of 
making their treaties, which they ratified with me, the 
emissaries divided the present among their band and 
immediately returned to rob in the neighborhood of 
and even within this presidio. ‘Thirty-two days after 
their departure the mother of the girl, with her husband, 
the husband of the woman who remained as a hostage, 
and the brother of two Christian women of the same na- 
tion (one already married), who, together with another 
(also married *”*) were some time ago captured, came 
with a cross and a white flag pretending peace, there 
being in all seven men. With their companions they 
came robbing before their arrival, in the night preced- 
ing, and for many days thereafter. The hostages being 
restored, and they having stolen in this time more than 
four hundred pack-animals, of which only about one 
hundred eighty could be recovered, they went away well 
regaled, having arranged also for the flight of the three 
Christian women mentioned. Two of them made their 
escape at their husbands’ sides; but they were recap- 
tured, as was also the third, who, when her intention was 
discovered, tried to kill herself. I was therefore obliged 
to send them to the province of Coahuila, as well as the 
messenger woman who had returned with the feigned 
truce. Some days afterward she was caught not far 
from this presidio by some mission Indians, it being 
supposed that she had fled from the Apaches who had 
attacked them on their withdrawal from here, killing 
her companions and carrying away this woman, her 
daughter, and the two other women. 

With regard to the Apaches, I think that Don Atan- 


898 Or, “also Christian.” 





one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 275 


asio will already have informed your Lordship of my 
special charge that he use all possible means to have 
all the nations of the interior maintain the hatred which 
they profess for them; for, not knowing the importance 
of this, he was in doubt as to whether it would not be 
better to take advantage of the good offices which the 
Vidays were using in all places to reconcile the nations 
with the Apaches, although always with the intention 
of advising with me on the matter.* But your Lordship 
must know that if it has this effect it will also result in 
the ruin of the province, and, in turn, of the other fron- 
tier provinces. For even without such superior advan- 
tages that nation alone has for several years been afflict- 
ing especially the provinces of Nueva Vizcaya and Coa- 
huila. ‘The situation is now so critical that it has com- 
pelled the government of Mexico to provide for a cam- 
paign with a force which is now mustering in Chigua- 
gua, while from here there have just gone under superior 
orders to their company of San Sabas, which is at 
present in the province of Coahuila, twenty-nine men 
with whom this presidio was reinforced two years ago. 
And as there is now setting out for Los Adaes a convoy 
which needs an escort, and indeed as large as possible 
during these first days’ march, this presidio will be 
without men. For this I am very sorry, especially since 
I momentarily expect the troop of Indians which was 
accompanying M. Demezieres, all of whom suppose 
that we have a good garrison. In this convoy go a pilot, 
a merchant passenger, three English sailors, a free negro, 
native of Corazau, who for that reason, as he knows 
something of our language, serves as interpreter, and 
another negro, a slave of the merchant. All having been 
shipwrecked on the coast of Bahia del Espiritu Santo at 


* The reference is to Document 89. 


276 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


the end of last August, they have purchased here, with 
three pipes of rum and three barrels of low grade sugar 
which they brought to this presidio from that of La 
Bahia, one hundred thirty-three beeves to sell in Natch- 
itoches, and more than forty horses. At the order of the 
most excellent Sefior Viceroy they are going to their 
colonies by way of that province in your Lordship’s 
charge. 

I am duly pleased at the assurance which your Lord- 
ship deigned to give me of your confidence, for I regard 
it as certain proof of mutual harmony with respect 
to relations between individuals of the two provinces. 
Consequently I beg that your Lordship may be pleased 
to tell me whether the present lieutenant ad interim of 
Natchitoches *** acted under your orders when he fined 
the paymaster of my soldiers of Los Adaes for having 
paid in that post for maize for the troops at one and a 
half and two pesos, the schedule price being fixed at ten 
reals, without having notified him at the time when he 
got the license of anything except that he must report 
how much, to whom, and at what price he bought it, 
then obliging him to pay said fine of twenty pesos, or 
rather thirty-two (for the maize which he bought at 
sixteen reals he had to sell at ten, in order not to permit 
him to leave without collecting) and taking ten pesos 
from each one of the vendors. I am entirely at your 
Lordship’s disposal so far as I am able to serve you. 

May our Lord preserve the life of your Excellency 
many years. San Antonio de Bexar, May 26, 1772. 

Your Lordship’s hand is kissed by your most loving 
and faithful servant. 

EL BARON DE RIPPERDA [rubric]. 
Sefior Don Luis de Unzaga y Amezaga. 


399 The reference is to Pena. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 277 


88. ARECHE TO THE VICEROY (DICTAMEN FIS- 
CAL)A° MEXICO FURY ig ni r7 92:4)" 


MOST EXCELLENT SIR: This opinion of the Baron de 
Riperda, governor of Los Texas, reduces itself to two 
points, the first being to state that the peace which hap- 
pily is being secured with different tribes of that north- 
erm region cannot be maintained unless, following the 
practice with the faithful Cadodachos in Luysiana, 
these others be given some annual presents or gratuities 
and permitted to trade their peltry in exchange for guns, 
ammunition, breech-cloths, hunting knives, and other 
things which they prize, and that the trade in these com- 
modities should be conducted in some way independent 
of the governor, in order that his recommending it may 
not be attributed to his avarice or desire for gain. For 
those nations depreciate friends who furnish them noth- 
ing, and consider it better to continue war on us, since in 
exchange for the droves of horses which they steal from 
us they secure what they need from the French, and in 
default of this, from the English, who are their neigh- 
bors, with only the Misisipi River intervening. 

He also says that in this way keeping devoted to us 
those tribes which the English now protect and supply, 
they would serve as a bulwark in time of war; that the 
Osage tribe and others who are now enemies might with- 
out great difficulty be driven to the other side of the 
Misuri, whenever, leaving this river in front as a bar- 
rier, it may be found proper to advance the line of pre- 
sidios to New Mexico from the Misisipi, which river 
to-day serves as a boundary, thereby adding a large and 


400 The fiscal was a royal official whose functions were similar in part to 
those of an attorney-general, and in part to those of a secretary of state. Most 
of the routine business of the viceroy relating to the Interior Provinces was 
first referred to the fiscal, whose advice was followed in the majority of cases. 

401 Prov. Int., vol. 20, f. 7. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 6. 


278 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


very good country; and that the union with these tribes 
would contribute to subjecting and beating down the 
pride of the obnoxious Apaches. 

This is the first point which the Baron de Riperda 
proposes. In the opinion of the present writer it de- 
mands further examination with respect to the first part, 
which is to give guns, ammunition, and hunting knives 
to the Indians of the North, neighbors of our frontiers 
and of the English and French. 

The Nations of the North, of whom he speaks, and 
with whom peace is happily being established, live, ap- 
parently, by trade in skins; and since for their traffic they 
need ammunition, guns, and hunting knives, they seek 
or take them, in exchange, from their neighbors, the 
French or the English, and accordingly depreciate our 
intercourse and friendship as useless to them, or of little 
value for the securing of what they desire and lack. 
But it will not be well, in the opinion of the present 
writer, that our people should furnish them these com- 
modities for the sake of maintaining peace and in order 
that others of the many and diverse tribes that cover 
those boundaries, finding this aid among our people, 
should become involved or take part in this trade, be- 
cause in this way they would soon find themselves armed 
and powerful enough to make the war upon us more 
bloody and unrelenting. 

The fiscal does not think that these proposals of the 
Baron de Riperda conform to the maxims, principles, 
and rules of a defensive war, or of a conquest like that 
which occupies the attention of our interior presidios 
and of the missions which they guard, when there may 
be other means by which our purposes would succeed 
without such risk, and without the disadvantages of giv- 
ing arms to the enemy and wishing to overcome their 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 279 


power, which is the whole object of the governor’s 
opinion.*” 

The Baron de Riperda might have gone further, with 
the purpose of putting into this representation an un- 
equivocal idea of the character of those tribes, of the 
method by which they make war upon us, and of other 
circumstances whose lack is noted—this being a matter 
requiring such long and careful consideration, since it is 
necessary to settle it in Mexico, at which distance it is 
not easy to ask him what it is desired to learn from his 
mouth — both in order that, in case it is decided to con- 
cede the points, it shall not be unknown by whom or how 
the exchange or trade in ammunition, guns, breech- 
cloths, hunting knives, and beads with those Nations of 
the North may be carried on (which he says must be 
done independently of the governor, so that his pro- 
posal may not be attributed to avarice), as well as to 
speak concerning the advantage of this traffic for him 
who is to conduct it. 

The fiscal has intimated or said that it is repugnant to 
give arms to our enemies and to wish to conquer them, 
or to bring them into our glorious and just dominion by 
force. The heathen Indians ought to be attracted to it 
and to our Holy Religion by other means, which may 
not so expose them to being conquered as will giving 
them guns and ammunition. The good will and evi- 
dence of friendship which we ought to put before them 
consist in helping them to get diversion, subsistence, and 
conveniences, by instructing them in our dogmas and 
polity, and by means of implements of agriculture. 

The fiscal does not see, from the proposals of the 
Baron de Riperda, that the English and French ex- 


402'This is a fair commentary upon the traditional policy with respect to 
the control of the Indians, 


280 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


change with the Nations of the North and their neigh- 
bors, for the skins which they get from them, anything 
but ammunition, guns, and hunting knives, and doubts 
whether, in addition to these commodities they furnish 
beads and breech-cloths, inferring from this that they 
give them nothing of that which ought to comprise their 
food, such as maize and grain, and that they encourage 
the natives of that part of this continent in a wild and 
barbarian life. 

He says that they live from the chase and trade in 
skins, but it would be better if they were to live by agri- 
culture, or from the diversions attached to it, since*” 
there would be more hope of subduing them by this 
means than by arming them with guns, ammunition, and 
hunting knives. And thus the better method seems to be 
to entice them with implements with which to improve 
their lands rather than with those of the chase, which 
they can abuse to our injury and to the injury and offense 
of the missionaries, who attract them by mildness, good 
treatment, and presents. 

Even if it should be regular to give them our guns, 
ammunition, and hunting knives, it would be necessary 
to examine and ascertain what advantages the trade in 
their peltry might render us, in order that the return for 
such goods should be commensurate; and to consider, 
likewise, whether we could supply them as cheaply as 
the strangers or their neighbors, the English and French, 
furnish them in exchange. 

It is true that mutual trade and frequent intercourse 
contribute much to the union of nations, but this matter 
demands a close examination, and the fiscal does not 
make bold to suggest what should be the rule for its de- 


403 The text reads para que, but porque better expresses the idea. 


one] TREATIES OF PEACE AND TRADE PROPOSALS 281 


cision, or the measures which might secure peace and 
tranquillity for the provinces of the north. 

Your Excellency possesses a dextrous and happy hand 
for the direction of war in all its forms, but, neverthe- 
less, it is fitting that this point should be discussed, as a 
grave matter, in a council, wherein its many aspects 
shall be meditated upon, and where attention shall be 
given to our interest and to the means which will be 
adopted to secure theirs by the English and French na- 
tions, who now maintain trade with the northern tribes 
of this New Spain from their establishments on that 
frontier or boundary. Consideration should be given 
to their proximity, their boundaries, their ambition to ex- 
tend them, and the best method for us to break up this 
attempt and this desire, and to defeat their purposes, 
giving attention to all in opportune time, and before a 
breach or other accident occurs. 

After having considered this matter as it demands, 
with respect both to our interests and to the progress of 
our holy religion, which will have to deal less with the 
friends than with the enemies who occupy that northern 
part of this America, a certified copy of the resolu- 
tion will be sent to the king for his sovereign informa- 
tion, and that he may order whatever his high and just 
comprehension may conceive and determine to be most 
useful to his dominions and to his subjects. 

The other point reduces itself to transmitting to your 
Excellency the ratification of the treaty which has re- 
cently been made with the Tabayas Indians, whose 
friendship is one of most importance, since this nation 
contains from two to three thousand warriors. As to 
this point it will be well to reply to him that he must see 
to it that these new treaties of peace be scrupulously 


282 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES 


kept, no injury being done the Indians unless they give 
cause, and that to this end he shall use whatever means 
he may think will attain this object and induce them to 
live in regular villages, adopting a semi-civilized life, 
and subjecting themselves to the authority of our sov- 
erelgn. 

The presidios ought not to look alone to guarding the 
boundaries of our conquests, but their attention should 
extend further, that is, to peopling their districts in good 
order, extending in them agriculture and commerce, as- 
sisting in the work of catechizing, which occupies the 
missionaries, and instilling in the inhabitants the civil 
and Christian customs of our nation, through the estab- 
lishment of some economical government in the new set- 
tlements. And since the present writer is ignorant of 
the instructions or regulations which the governors and 
presidial captains bear from this superior government 
and captaincy-general, and in order to see if they require 
alteration, or if to them should be added some articles 
directed to this object, it will be well that your Excel- 
lency should have a copy of them sent to him, and also a 
copy of the instructions which the king issues to the gov- 
ernors and alcaldes mayores of these provinces. In the 
light of these documents the fiscal will ask what he ought 
in fulfillment of his office and of his desires to see ex- 
tended the boundaries of our interior conquests, which 
to-day merit all the attention of the government in order 
that their expenses may be reduced and that from them 
may be secured the profit and advantage which the sov- 
ereign ideas of the king and the affairs of state in this 
America justly demand of us. 

Mexico, July 31, 1772. ARECHE [rubric]. 


ath EXPEDITION OF 1772 FROM 
NATCHITOCHES TO THE NATIONS OF THE 
UPPER TRINITY AND BRAZOS RIVERS 


89. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
FEBRUARY 25, 1772 *° 


Official communication sent by the lieutenant-governor 

of Natchitoches, concerning the peace which the Apa- 

ches are attempting to secure with other tribes, both of 
this district and that of Adaes, or Texas*” 


SENOR GOVERNOR-GENERAL, DON LUIZ DE UNZAGA: 
In consideration of what the Baron de Ripperda does 
me the honor to write me concerning the distastrous 
consequences that would result from the alliance which 
the Apache tribe is of late seeking with other tribes, I 
will cause their plans to be completely frustrated. And 
although, regarding the petition of the Bidais, who have 
acted as intermediaries in this matter, I have not shown 
myself opposed, on account of the general good which 
it seemed to me might result, as is set forth by the in- 
strument which I presented to your Lordship, I have all 
along aimed to decide nothing until I should reach 
Bexar and consult with the governor-general, who re- 


404 Prov, Int., vol. 20, f. 6. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 6. 

405 On November 1, 1771, De Méziéres, in a letter to Unzaga y Amezaga, 
gave reasons for his projected journey, saying that it would be a means of re- 
covering Parrilla’s cannons, of flattering the Taovayas, of settling them nearer 
Cadodachos, within easy reach of the traders, and of securing their codperation 
in reducing the Comanche [Pap./ Proc. de Cuba, leg. r10]. This journey occu- 
pied eighty-seven days [see Document 21] and De Méziéres arrived at San 
Antonio on June ro. He must, therefore, have set out on March 1r5 or 16. 


284 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


sides there, upon so difficult a question. Now, however, 
knowing their well-founded hatred [for the Apaches], 
what I will do is to associate with me on my march the 
greatest possible number of the friendly Indians, not 
only that they may be present at the ratification of the 
treaty which has been granted them here, but also, if it 
seems well to the Sefior Governor, that they may make 
an incursion against such Apaches as may be living in 
the neighborhood of Bexar. From this will result 
greater hatred between them than existed before, and by 
this infallible method the desires which are manifested 
to me will be attained. 

I expect to lose no time in setting out. If your Lord- 
ship should have occasion to give me new orders, I trust 
that you will direct them to the lieutenant of Los Adaes, 
Don Joseph Gonzalez, with special instructions to for- 
ward them to Bexar, where I will receive them and obey 
them with the veneration and zeal that I profess. 

May our Lord, etc. 


go. DE MEZIERES TO THE BARON DE RIPPERDA 
JULY 4, 1772 *° 


Report of Dn. Athanacio de Mezteres, Captain of In- 
fantry, to Colonel Baron de Ripperda 


SIR GOVERNOR-GENERAL — SIR: Having marched to 
the tribes formerly our enemies for the express purpose 
of attaching their chiefs and principal men to my ex- 
pedition and bringing them to this villa (which I have 
done), because they were evincing a desire to see rati- 
fied by your Lordship the treaties which, through the 
mediation of the most reverend father president, Fray 
Pedro Ramires, they came to Natchitoches and Adaes 


406 Prov. Int., vol. 20, f. 28. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 26; Brit. Museum, 
Add. Mss. 17567, ff. 1-21, and Add. Ms. 17574, f. 2; Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 
2368, no. 2307. 


one] THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 285 





to ask, and which were granted them in the manner 
which I had the honor to report to you,*” it now becomes 
my duty to bring to your attention what I have consid- 
ered most worthy of your notice regarding the nature of 
the country inhabited by these tribes, their possessions, 
the number of their people, their location, wars, alli- 
ances, trade, temperament, desires, and, finally, what 
seems to me the best means of putting on a firm footing 
the peace which, with happy beginnings, your Lordship, 
in conjunction with the governor-general of Luisiana, 
has established for the common good of the provinces 
under your respective commands. 

THE QUITSEYS. The village of the Quitseys, which is 
situated on a pleasant and fertile little meadow crossed 
by a permanent arroyo,*”* is composed of thirty houses 
occupied by eighty men, most of whom are young. They 
maintain a close union with the neighboring Cadodachos 
and Texas, and, on the other hand, an irreconcilable 
hatred for the Osages and Apaches, the former recently 
declared enemies of Luisiana, and the latter a tribe who 
never cease their attacks upon and hostilities towards 
the presidios of New Spain. The Quitseys women, as 
well as those of the villages which follow, are industri- 
ous, devoting themselves to the cultivation of the soil; 
and, considering the fact that their number is not much 
greater than that of the men, they have a prodigious 
multitude of children. The women make the houses, 
prepare the food, plant the fields, tan the skins, gather 
the crops, and work unceasingly, while their husbands 
are never employed except in war orin hunting. Their 
crops are limited to maize, beans, cantaloupes, water- 
melons, and pumpkins. ‘They likewise provide them- 


407 See Documents 79, 80, 82, 85, 86, 87. The names of the tribes which 
entered into these treaties are given in Document 86. 
408 See map. 


286 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES 





selves with various wild products, especially nuts and 
medlars, from the latter of which they make a kind of 
bread that is very palatable; and they do not despise 
even acorns. The trade of this village consists in bar- 
tering with the inhabitants of Natchitoches the skins of 
buffalo and deer in exchange for guns, powder, balls, 
and other merchandise useful for their support and de- 
fense. This is in conformity with the order of the most 
excellent Sefior Conde de O-reiley that the Indians 
should be supplied with their necessities at the cost of 
their own labor, so that they might not dedicate them- 
selves to the vices which idleness usually fosters, and, 
above all, so that they would not think of opening up a 
way to supply themselves through the English. The 
Quitseys nation is the one which has taken the least part 
in the hostilities waged against our presidios. It is one 
hundred leagues from Natchitoches and thirty from San 
Pedro. It is closely allied with the Iscanis, Tuacanas, 
Taouaiazes, and Ouedsitas. The people are cannibals 
just like these others, and they have the same custom of 
absenting themselves from their village during the cold 
season for the purpose of getting a full supply of dried 
meat, which is kept for the other seasons of the year. 
Their superstitions are excessive. ‘They dedicate their 
chief cult and veneration to an evil spirit whom they 
fear and try to propitiate. 

IscANIS. Having found the Iscanis scattered about 
and settled on different farms,*” I encouraged them to 
unite to form a single village in the place where I found 
their chief and some families established. They prom- 
ised me that they would do so as soon as the grain should 
be gathered and the harvest over. They comprise sixty 


409 Estancia, farm or stock ranch. In Mexico it is frequently a subdivision 
of an hacienda. Here it seems to mean a cultivated patch. 


Siatan As | 4 ee 


ne 
Yy 
: (aminando af Lerausirie combo "eee fromenty, ae 
ac. SCG (Cg ee OC fracni <We ¢ Sia 
panes * oF ae pierre be Z ag 
ee Ou aber Paviase ee _O¢tBe lo t0 We we OMB S 


; : ‘ “\ cpyinibed, = hos den Lomsofse « scious fot Lena Le d 





 pintala, an gue 4a “umdeeo ol ithe PUdhlo, ea 


ole One <5 re es or mary Cv Techa:s a . 


6 lay lanuetd. WN Ct 22 cnBove ALe ath ons 


aS meontes. Jon © ROnca a, to i tas « ‘ajay, “<enre 
ey oy Pidmé yee ee ee a re rte 


ear A aicol © Chkeov te Otemtay Soames al he ae 


; _ Cayatio, como Lev oe: 7 4 Vy ute Qe : 


qnivmo cao ma De low \ Vlany Dacdereme, y 


Taouaiancy ; ie é er: apr q*aa ‘red’ ma. Neuen ; + 2 & 


Anar teh la mivrna Sele 71tU8. CIM Lenan Bes fe one 


acto oY ‘+ ela 
uv: LOTS. hates mahove « #4 vighhboks Cn Yaw 


if _“ * 








Eich cyuttisi anes con vac prtiomens Cugay caeney i: 


Foeuera, Steypuev ce ein Sere Fk stile to 





lavqov, 2 Ananditoy Tovinantoy Te. qeey a brergo. 
ite & Aumancbad, me dren oy gomee edd a tov 


Sn uertes T (qande (ev Qe compe YaAo- Yy ret : . “4 


Je oh a 150 rehenaey Co yor Tan eca Alen cen, 


Bee. guntan Vi No ey CYA Val an Le. Jue lov Caomen. 


(ay ey frezay, a lav sudan ° 
= : i 
cS ~ uv, Qn rhe fi humere Jon Comores nondr. 


2h ain pace ice ae eee ‘oc a Se: elt ten Nl A ae 


FACSIMILE OF A PAGE OF DE MEZIERES’S REPORT 





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THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 289 


warriors, and many more women and children. Their 
country has the same qualities as that of the Quitseys, 
and they the same interests, customs, opinions, and tem- 
perament as those. ‘They live at a distance of eight 
leagues westward from the Quitseys pueblo.*” 

THE TUACANAS. Continuing toward the west for 
seven leagues, I arrived at the pueblo of the Tuacanas,*"* 
after crossing the large Trinity River, which, when 
high, forms a peninsula where the village is located. 
It has only one very narrow entrance, which leads to the 
plains, for the woods become sparser thenceforward. 
The houses are thirty-six in number, the warriors one 
hundred twenty, with women in proportion, and an in- 
finite number of children of both sexes. ‘These people 
are horsemen, like the tribes which precede and fol- 
low. They speak the same language as the Iscanis, 
Ouedsitas, and T'aouaiazes, and are considered to be the 
same nation; and they are making the same solicitations, 
promising that if a presidio is formed in their country 
it shall dominate and direct their bands. They are most 
cruel with their prisoners, whose flesh they eat, after 
having killed them with long and unheard of torments, 
horrible to mankind. They do not bury their dead, but 
take them to the open field. When they are reproved 
for such neglect, they ask if it makes any difference 
whether the birds and beasts or the worms eat them. 

THE TANCAGUES. The Tancagués, which include the 
Yocouanés and the Maheyes,*” enjoy alliance with the 
preceding nations. But this is only for war purposes, 
and because they recognize as their common enemies the 
Osages and the Apaches. ‘They are disliked and even 


410 See map. 
411 See map. 
412 The Yojuane and Mayeye. 


290 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


abhorred as vagabonds, a people without fixed homes, 
of undeveloped language,** and disposed to thievery. 
They have never been stable except while they were 
gathered in the mission of San Xavier,” whence in a 
short time they fled, since they care less for instruction 
and civilization than for their unbridled liberty and 
forays. The district in which they are ordinarily found 
lies between the Trinity and Brazos Rivers. They de- 
vote themselves to hunting buffalo and deer, from which 
they secure, besides their food, an incredible number of 
skins, which they are accustomed to take to the village 
of the Tuacanas to sell. Since I had notified them to 
come to the place last named, their head chief came 
there witha party. I publicly reproved him for the de- 
praved customs of his people, and gave my express 
promise that, if these practices were continued, I should 
have them punished by the Quitseys, Iscanis, and Tua- 
canas, who were present and applauded my discourse. 
The chief appeared very humble and agreed to accom- 
pany me, designating a place where he would overtake 
me; but he did not do so, because he allowed himself to 
be led off on an expedition against the Apaches, at the 
invitation of the nations who had gathered there for that 
purpose. It turned out unsuccessful. Finally, I think 
that any peace which this nation may maintain will have 
to be attributed to the fear in which they live of the other 
nations and to the serious threats which these others have 
made them if they should return to their guilty ways, 
rather than to true repentance. They number one hun- 
dred fifty warriors, or something more, as I have been 
informed. 


413 De poco palabra. Literally, “of few words.” 
414 For the San Xavier missions, see “Introduction,’ and Handbook of 
American Indians, under “San Francisco Xavier Horcasitas.” 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 291 


THE XARANAMES. The Xaranamés are natives of the 
neighborhood of Espiritu Santo, where they were gath- 
ered in a mission, from which they fled at the instigation 
of the Tancagués and Bidais. They remained with these 
nations until their number was increased by new fugi- 
tives of their own nation, when they separated to live 
alone and in vagabondage. They have taken no small 
part in the past hostilities, because, as they were strangers 
and helpless among the heathen, they were forced to 
gain the good will of their barbarous hosts by offering 
themselves as guides and aiding in their robberies and 
murders, from which the desolation of many ranches has 
resulted. And what better proves their wickedness is 
the fact that they did not spare even their own compa- 
triots when they could find them. I had them called 
together by prearrangement, and found them gathered 
in the village of the Tuacanas. They comprise forty-six 
warriors and a goodly number of women and children. 
Most of them know the Spanish language, and are 
skilled in various crafts. They are Christians but are 
totally indifferent toward or have forgotten our holy 
faith. They go naked, and their poverty is without 
equal. I tried by means of strong arguments and gifts 
to have them come and present themselves before you, 
pledging my word that they would be well received and 
kindly treated. And I might have succeeded in my pur- 
pose except for a certain Morales and another person, 
named Perico, stubborn apostates whom they have 
chosen as chiefs, and whose opposition, arising either 
from fear of being punished or that of being separated 
from so brutal and licentious a life, I could not vanquish. 
In order, therefore, to make sure of this miserable peo- 
ple and to prevent the Bidais, with whom they were liv- 


292 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


ing inharmoniously, from making a violent attack upon 
them, as was being talked of, I assembled the Tuacanas, 
and with their consent designated for the Xaranamés a 
site nearby, where they might reside; and it was agreed 
that they should do no more damage and receive no 
injury, and that they should await whatever might be 
decided in their favor by divine mercy. This soon mani- 
fested itself to me by raising up the most reverend father 
preacher, Fray Joseph Abad,*”’ who, consulting his ar- 
dent zeal rather than his strength, is ready to march with 
the guard of soldiers which your Lordship has furnished 
him. This holy enterprise ought confidently to expect 
the happy outcome which is merited by the benevolence 
which guides it. 

ANOTHER VILLAGE OF THE TUACANAS. Learning that 
above ** the village of the Tuacanas there was another of 
the same nation, which a malevolent chief, hostile to us, 
had founded on the Brazos River, thirty leagues from 
the first village,*’ I decided to go to it to reconcile its 
inhabitants with those of the former, and to induce them 
to abandon that site and remove to the other, there to en- 
joy, besides the common benefit of peace, the important 
advantage of being able to resist their enemies with 
greater force. I talked to the chief and to his people, 
who consented to do what I urged, and remained only 
to wait until they should harvest the maize which they 
had planted. ‘The village consists of thirty families en- 
dowed with a great number of children. 


415 Fray Joseph Abadejo was left at mission Nuestra Senora de los Dolores 
de los Ais in 1721. [Pefia, Derrotero, in Mem. de Nueva Espana, vol. 28, f. 
45-] It is not certain whether or not he was the same as Father Joseph Abad, 
of the same College, of Zacatecas, who was at Mission Nuestra Sefiora de la 
Luz in 1759 and 1760, but it seems probable that they were identical. Father 
Abad was frequently at Natchitoches to perform church services during the 
middle of the century [Church records at Natchitoches]. 

416 Arriva may mean here simply “beyond.” 

417 The implication is that this settlement had been made recently. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 293 


‘To reach this village I departed from the western 
course which I had followed until then, traveling 
through broad and pleasant plains, varied by an infinite 
number of groves, but having the defect of a scarcity of 
water, such as there was being dirty and stinking, be- 
cause of the great concourse of animals. The number 
of wild cattle which we encountered was incredible. 
After a short distance they increased so that we passed 
among innumerable herds—a precious and continuous 
supply from which the natives secure their food, cloth- 
ing, houses, and articles of trade. 

The Brazos River, on whose banks these Indians live, 
stops flowing entirely, and the little water which remains 
in pools is extremely salty and impotable. This short- 
coming is compensated for by the many springs which 
the rocks send forth all along its banks. ‘This is the best 
locality that I have seen, because of the fertility of the 
soil and the abundance of wood, pasture, and cattle, 
which even come in sight of the village. If your Ex- 
cellency is favorable to the advantageous and unanimous 
petition of the Quitseys, Iscanis, Tuacanas, Ouedsitas, 
and Taouaiazes, and to founding a presidio among them, 
there is no other place that can offer so many advantages 
as this one. For, if the Tuacanas who dwell there re- 
move from it, as they have promised, the T'aouaiazes and 
Ouedsitas will immediately take their place. Then our 
people, together with these, enjoying the advantages 
mentioned, and directing the heathen recently and for- 
merly reduced, would not be very far from the site of 
San Xavier, nor from Bexar, Natchitoches, the Tan- 
cagues, and the Comanchéz, and would have facilities 
for giving and receiving aid, for encouraging the good 
Indians and punishing the bad, for opening communica- 
tion with New Mexico, and for checking the greedy for- 


294 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


eigners who are contiguous to us. But their principal 
object (I do not tire of saying it) would be to chastise 
the Osages and the Apachéz. 

THE OUEDSITAS AND TAOUAIAZES. The Ouedsitas and 
Taouaiazés, who have already been mentioned as speak- 
ing the same language as the Tuacanas and the Iscanis, 
are divided into two villages. ‘The one with the first 
name is situated on the bank of the Brazos River, one 
hundred ten leagues from the Touacana village. The 
other, called the village of the Taouaiaz, is sixty leagues 
farther up towards the northeast, on the banks of the 
Natchitoches River, at the foot of a ridge which fur- 
nishes this river its chief supply of water. The two vil- 
lages together contain six hundred warriors and a great 
multitude of women and children. 

To the Ouedsitas village I summoned the ‘Taouaiazes, 
who assembled promptly, and agreed to unite at the end 
of the year with the others, and to live in the place which 
your Lordship might assign them. ‘This has been se- 
lected with equal satisfaction and advantage. The pres- 
ent houses of the Ouedsitas, through lack of wood, are 
made of earth, and are wretched and uncomfortable. 
Their country is most unpleasant, being dry and with- 
out good water or pasturage; but it is extremely well 
supplied with meat, because of the necessary and con- 
tinuous passage of cattle, in which no interruption is 
noted during any of the four seasons of the year. This is 
the reason why up to the present they have remained in 
that place. And since to this reason may be added that 
of the roughness of the nearby mountains, whose fast- 
nesses afford them impunity for their robberies, very 
wise is your Lordship’s plan to have them removed to 
other localities, where, if they should still find it easy to 
trouble us, we should find it equally easy to pursue them. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 295 


The Ouedsitas and the Taouaiazes recognize a creator 
who dwells in the highest heaven, whence, by his will 
and power, he directs everything, having absolute con- 
trol of life, and exercising a despotic rule over mankind. 
They with great devotion offer him the first fruits of 
their harvests and the chase; invoke his aid for success 
in their undertakings; prescribe rigorous fasts to secure 
his favor; and practice an infinite number of rites which 
it would be nauseating to relate, because of the super- 
stitions which attend them. From this creed, more el- 
evated than that noted in other savages, spring customs 
in general more advanced, such as the observance of 
promises, respect for elders, gentleness toward women, 
indulgence toward children, charity for the sick, gen- 
erosity toward strangers, and obedience to the chiefs. 
They firmly believe in the reality of another life, in 
which the good (whose first rank is composed of the 
warriors) will be rewarded by being removed to a cer- 
tain country where they will enjoy perpetual youth and 
strength, crystalline waters, exquisite fruits, savory 
meats, and other delicacies known to them in this world. 
On the contrary, the bad will be forever cast out among 
briars and rocks, surrounded by tigers and poisonous 
reptiles, and exposed to thirst, hunger, disease, and the 
worst calamities imaginable. The chiefs pride them- 
selves on owning nothing, and, as they are not recognized 
as chiefs except in recognition of their deeds, the most 
able and successful warrior is the one who commands, 
authority falling to him who best uses it in the defense of 
his compatriots. 

Sad it is that the good seen in these Indians serves only 
as a counterweight for their evil inclinations, such as the 
barbarous treatment of their captives, their incestuous 
and base intercourse, and other abominations. But 


296 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 





through association and familiarity with us they will 
desist from these and become reduced to civilized life, 
as their docility promises. 

Both of the foregoing villages are provided in their 
vicinity with salt of the finest quality; and that of the 
Ouedsitas, besides having in its territory red ochre beds, 
which persons versed in mining suppose to be deposits of 
greatest richness, is only a short distance from a mass of 
metal which the Indians say is hard, thick, heavy, and 
composed of iron.** ‘They venerate it as an extraor- 
dinary manifestation of nature. It is some twenty leagues 
to the north. I did not have an opportunity to go to ex- 
amine it, but there is not a person in the village who does 
not tell of it. 

One of the agreements ratified in Natchitoches pro- 
viding for the delivery and restitution of the cannons 
which Colonel Don Diego Ortiz Parilla left during the 
campaign made by him against these Indians, I re- 
quested that they bring them, although they are more 
than sixty leagues from the place where the Indians live. 
For this purpose a detachment of twelve Indians and 
three Frenchmen was prepared; but as the chiefs told 
me how they would regret this removal, which, they 
said, foretold to them that the establishment of the Span- 


418 The indications are that this is the meteorite secured in May, 1856, by 
Major Neighbors from Wichita County, and now in the mineralogical museum 
of the University of Texas. According to Major Neighbors, “For many years 
its existence was known to the Comanches, who regarded it with high venera- 
tion and believed it to be possessed of extraordinary curative powers. They 
gave it the name of Ta-pic-ta-carre [standing rock], Po-i-wisht-carre [standing 
metal], Po-a-cat-le-pi-le-carre [medicine rock]; and it was the custom of all 
who passed to deposit upon it beads, arrow-heads, tobacco, and other articles, 
as offerings [W. F. Cummins, the Texas Academy of Sciences, Transactions, 
vol. i, 15]. The history of the meteorite given by Cummins [o. cit.] differs 
somewhat as to date and location where secured from that given by Mallet 
[American Journal of Science, third ser., vol. xxviii, 285-286]. A statement 
made by J. H. Kuykendall in 1857, or earlier, shows that the date given by 
Mallet cannot be correct [Texas Historical Association, Quarterly, vol. vi, 250]. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 297 


iards in their country—a thing they so much desired — 
would never come to pass, since it would be unprofitable 
to carry off that which it would be necessary to take back 
again, I desisted from my plans, partly in order not to 
displease them, partly through fear that my men would 
be attacked by the Osages, who are never lacking in the 
country where I had ordered them to go, and partly be- 
cause I distrusted my mules, with which, in reality, in 
view of the difficulties of the road, the projected removal 
of the cannons to this villa of Bexar could never have 
been accomplished. 

THE COMANCHEZ. The Comanché nation is very 
large, as is evident to me from the fact that while more 
than five hundred visited me, the chief men apologized 
for not having come in greater numbers, saying they had 
feared that they would be inthe way. They are divided 
into various tribes or bands, named Naitanes, Yaram- 
bicas, etc.,”* ruled by chiefs or captains, among whom 
the one called Euea, who has presented himself before 
your Lordship, is generally recognized. They have no 
fixed habitation, neither do they plant crops, but live in 
continual motion, never stopping in a place except while 
it abounds in cattle. This obliges them to divide them- 
selves into an infinite number of little bands for the pur- 
pose of seeking better pastures for their horses, and cat- 
tle for their own food. This explains why they separate 
from their chiefs, following out their individual whims, 
and doing damage which the others can neither prevent 
nor remedy when it comes to their notice. 

From this brief exposition may be seen what might be 
expected from such people if the following things did 
not militate in our favor: the sincerity with which the 
Taouaiaz, the Tuacana, etc., have solemnized peace; 


419 The twelve divisions of the Comanche are listed by Mooney in Hand- 
book of American Indians, part i, 328. 


298 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


the repeated promises they have made to your Lordship 
to take care that no one shall break it; the fear which the 
above-mentioned Comanchéz have of these nations; and 
the interest which keeps them from giving cause to be 
denied entry into their villages, where they find a supply 
of what is so important to them for their defense and use. 
Neither are the Comanchéz ignorant of the fact that in 
the country which they occupy, where they live quietly 
in the shelter of the Indians mentioned, they are im- 
prisoned on the west by the impassable mountains ex- 
tending on that side, on the north by the Osages and other 
enemies who live on the Misuris, on the south by the 
Spaniards and the Apaches, and, finally, on the east by 
our new allies. This situation will force them to main- 
tain inviolate the treaty which your Lordship has 
granted them. And since, in view of their mode of liy- 
ing, they cannot avail themselves of their numbers by 
uniting, they will find themselves in any crisis either 
disunited, and thus easy to conquer, or, should they unite, 
in danger of perishing from hunger. 

I will not close without saying that they never ask for 
quarter, for they prefer the loss of life to the loss of lib- 
erty. But if they are victorious they show clemency 
toward their captives, whom they usually adopt, regard- 
ing with great disgust the feasts of human flesh in which 
their allies indulge. They punish adultery severely. 
They have keen intellects, are happy natured, modest in 
dress, skilled in arms, and very dexterous on horseback. 
If care is taken to assign them fixed settlements, which 
will follow from trading tools for the cultivation of the 
soil in exchange for their peltry, there is no tribe from 
which more satisfaction and usefulness may be expected. 

THE MARCH FROM OUEDSITA TO BEXAR. On the way 
from Ouedsita to Bexar I went continually towards the 


one] THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 299 


south. The hills which I at once encountered are al- 
most impassable, because of the frequent ups and downs 
and of the boulders and rocks among which often one 
cannot travel except on foot, and even then only with 
danger of disabling the beasts of burden. The hill coun- 
try being passed, the plains are entered. There, as well 
as further back, the abundance of cattle and the scarcity 
of water continue, as far as the neighborhood of the Rio 
de los Llanos, which flows into the Colorado. At a 
short distance from the former there are encountered 
two others very close together which likewise join the 
Colorado. They are called Paredones,*” because their 
banks are very craggy. Finally one arrives at the 
Arcon, the source of the Guadalupe River. The country 
between this and the Colorado is rough, timbered, stony, 
and very well suited to the thieving and hostile Indians, 
whom it affords impunity for their robberies and at- 
tacks by means of the asylum which it offers them. The 
distance from Ouedsitas to Bexar is one hundred fifty 
leagues, or somewhat more. 

DESIRES OF THE INDIANS. ‘The nations of the Quit- 
seys, Iscanis, Tuacanas, Taouaiazes, and Comanchéz, 
whose chiefs, in the feather dance, which they consider 
sacred, have recognized your Lordship as absolute 
chief,“ have given you repeated and most solemn prom- 
ises to take all care that no one in the future shall do our 
presidios the least damage, and to consider as enemies 
and to make a savage war upon those who may do so. 
At the same time, they ask for the establishment of a 
presidio in their country, not only so that if there should 
be any return to evil ways the Spaniards, as trustworthy 


420'The transcript reads Paderones, but the meaning is clearly Paredones, 
meaning high wall or bluff. 

421 Apparently between June ro (or June 16), when De Méziéres arrived 
at San Antonio, and the date of this letter. 


300 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


witnesses, may know that these tribes have no part 
in the crime, but also that, before the Spaniards’ eyes, 
these Indians may without delay mete out the vengeance 
merited by the deed. These conditions are worthy of 
admiration, since they are the precious fruit of friend- 
ship, and in all respects show the most worthy inten- 
tions. 

On the other hand, when it is considered that the 
above-mentioned Indians regard as irreconcilable foes 
the Osages, who are the most bitter enemies of Luisiana, 
and the Apaches, whose insults, as is well known, never 
cease in the farthest bounds of New Spain, it is evident 
that too much protection cannot be given to them, as in- 
dividuals who, in defending themselves, likewise defend 
the vassals of his Majesty. Since the law forbids us all 
use of arms against Indians who do not first use them, 
when the Apache, with flagrant abuse of this holy law, 
steals our horses and destroys our cattle, who would not 
consider it fortunate for your Lordship to find those 
who, by opposing the common enemy and at the same 
time avenging their own grievances, might give us some 
respite from ours, thus securing peace through diplo- 
macy, while provision is being made to keep it by force 
of arms? ‘This is especially true at a time when, lacking 
sufficient forces, you are compelled to enlist the inhab- 
itants, not without detriment to their estates. 

Not only did the most excellent Sefior Conde de 
O Reyli assign annual gifts of powder, balls, guns, etc., 
to various tribes, who received them as coming from his 
most Christian Majesty, but he also expressly ordered 
me to supply the neighboring friendly Indians, through 
bonded agents, with what they may need, in exchange 
for their crops and peltry. In conformity with this 
order the above-mentioned Indians are supplied. This 


one] THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 301 


arrangement will always be the surest guarantee of their 
loyalty and quietude, for, as they receive their supplies 
from Natchitoches, and know full well that Luisiana 
and Mexico are under the same sovereign, their intelli- 
gence is not so limited that they cannot understand that 
if they attack the inhabitants of New Spain they will at 
once make enemies of the people of Luisiana, and thus 
be denied the aid which it is no less important for them 
to receive for their self-preservation than for us to supply 
for our own quiet and safety. 

I beg your Lordship to note that the tribes of the 
Quitseys, the Iscanis, the TTuacanas, the Ouedsitas, the 
Taouaiazes, and the Comanchés are fully instructed by 
the Indian Joseph, whom | brought before your Excel- 
lency. He was present at the fall of Quebec and of 
New France, and has intimate knowledge of the Mic- 
issippi River and of others which flow into it; and lately 
he went from the Taouaiaz, where he lives, to the Mis- 
suris, whence he returned with ammunition and arms, 
which I recognized to be of foreign make, thus begin- 
ning the pernicious trade with the Panismahas, to whom 
he took droves of horses. Through him they know 
that the English live on this continent; that they are very 
favorable to the Indians; that nothing pleases them so 
much as their friendship; that they sell their goods much 
more reasonably than we do ours; and that as a result of 
the recent wars they are to-day in possession of our for- 
mer territories, and find it very easy to communicate 
with the Indians. At the same time, J found among 
the ‘T'aouaiazes two Indians of the said Panismahas who 
were advertising there the advantages of trade with the 
English. These I have brought and presented to you 
for better proof of the danger to which such an unsea- 
sonable union exposes us. For what can come from 


302 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


such reports except a desire to know a liberal people 
with an attractive trade, if we do not promptly estab- 
lish the presidio which our Indians so much desire, and 
give them just treatment, which will keep them con- 
tented, be advantageous to the subjects of his Majesty 
(of the highest authority) and to our allies against the 
Osages and the Apachéz, tame and reduce the Tancagués 
and the Comanchéz, impede communication between 
our apostates and heathen tribes, the source of the sad- 
dest disorders, and, finally, serve as a solid bulwark 
against English greedr 

SITUATION OF THE ENGLISH. The River San Luis, or 
Micissipi, now the boundary between the dominions of 
Spain and England in this North America, is joined on 
both sides by an infinite number of tributaries. Those 
coming from the east afford easy navigation clear to the 
center of the English colonies, where they rise; and 
those from the opposite side provide the greatest facility 
for the English to introduce themselves into Nuevas Fe- 
lipinas, or Texas, New Mexico, etc. Notorious, there- 
fore, is the opportunity which the English, whose 
dexterity and skill in making use of rivers are patent, 
have to come down by water at any time, with the se- 
curity that is afforded by vast and unpopulated lands 
and with little or no opposition, bringing the supplies 
they wish, to invade our provinces, unless the most 
prompt and effective remedy is provided to anticipate 
them. 

This remedy will be supplied by the establishment of 
the presidio which is asked for unanimously by the 
Quitseys, Iscanis, ‘Tuacanas, Taouaiazes, and Coman- 
chéz. ‘To these, who all use horses and firearms, who 
live close to each other, and who are robust and valorous, 
there will be added, doubtless, when we may require 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 303 


them, the neighboring Texas and Cadodachos, whence 
will come a reinforcement of more than three hundred 
warriors, without leaving the bands unprotected. Thus 
peace will at once be established from Natchitoches to 
the neghborhood of Bexar. And by taking especial 
care to have the Comanches form settlements and desist 
from their vagabond life, the cordon now begun will be 
extended to the mountains of New Mexico. This will 
make it impossible for the English to learn about these 
countries, deal with the tribes that inhabit them, destroy 
the harmony that we are now beginning to enjoy, win 
over the Indians who voluntarily and gladly submit to 
the gentle rule of our Catholic monarch, or embarrass 
our dealings with and subjugation of those who live 
scattered on the banks of the enormous River Missuris, 
whose source is yet unknown, notwithstanding the fact 
that we have navigated itso many years. This ignorance 
is the most unquestionable evidence of our idleness, par- 
ticularly since the latter could not be overcome by the 
discovery, of which [ have been a witness near this river, 
of a great quantity of ivory and other bones of ele- 
phants—proof incontrovertible that our continent bor- 
ders upon that of which these quadrupeds are native. 
Finally, not having reaped, and having no hope of 
reaping, any advantage from the Apaches who live so 
near your Lordship’s presidio, but, on the contrary, con- 
tinually experiencing from them new insults and rapine, 
it appears, in view of the incessant attacks which their 
enemies plan to make upon them, that either they will 
be obliged to take refuge in the asylum of our missions, 
to prevent their complete destruction, or that they will 
suffer this destruction in a short time, especially if the 
Taouaiazés and others of their group are not denied the 
aid and munitions which ought to be conceded to such 


304 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


useful allies, in order to secure the important success of 
their campaigns. 

THE OSAGES. The Osage nation, established on the 
Missuris River, and divided into two villages, reaches 
the number of one thousand men. They are not more 
than seven regular days’ journey from Los Ylinuezés, 
where we are established on the west bank of the Mic- 
issip1 River, opposite the English, who occupy the other 
bank. 

From this situation it arises that the Osages, being in- 
formed, not only of the unfriendly relations which we 
have maintained in the past with the English, and of 
which they were witnesses, since they assisted us in the 
last wars, but also of the breach which may occur in the 
future, they are offering their alliance, in anticipation of 
it, to the one who will pay them best. They appear inso- 
lent and proud, and commit the gravest injuries, because 
of the assurance that attacks made by them on one party 
will cause the other to free itself from similar attacks 
[by purchase]. They never fail to demand that pro- 
tection which favors and perpetuates their outrages — 
a sad example of which has just occurred in Luisiana, 
with danger to the intercourse, property, and life of its 
inhabitants. 

Since, happily, these Osages are irreconcilable foes of 
our Indians, as I have noted, we ought to see to it that 
they never make peace with them, for from it would re- 
sult the very grave consequences here set before us. And, 
for the same reason, the injury which the Taouaiazés, 
etc., have done us should be pardoned, considering how 
much worse it would have been and will be for us if 
these Indians do not vigorously defend our frontiers 
against a tribe which, in the matter of incursions and 
robberies, is reputed to be indefatigable, without dis- 
tinction between friend and enemy. Indeed, in order 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 305 


to give you some idea of their detestable ferocity, I must 
not omit to say that, when their chiefs go to war, they 
usually vow not to return to their villages except with 
bloody hands; and if they fail with those whom they 
seek to kill, in order not to perjure themselves they even 
slay the first of their compatriots or allies whom they 
meet. 

THE Bipays. I have not included the Bidays nation 
among our friends, because the peace which they have 
made with the Apachés seems to be just cause for con- 
sidering them as quasi-enemies, for it is patent that they 
are supplying these Apaches with firearms and ammuni- 
tion in exchange for mules and horses, well known to 
have been stolen, and in the theft of which the Apaches 
exhibit the greatest audacity. From this the most pain- 
ful consequences are to be feared; and there is little to be 
thankful for in the fact that the Bidays personally do 
not do the damage when they are the cause of its inflic- 
tion. Consequently one should praise your Lordship’s 
decision looking to the prompt correction of so great an 
abuse. 

The Bidays comprise perhaps one hundred fifty 
men. ‘They live a short distance south of the Texas. 
From their dealings with these and with their neighbors, 
the Orcoquisas and Atacapas, it is to be presumed, they 
supply themselves with powder, balls, and arms, which 
they pass on to the Apaches. This pernicious trade 
shall be infallibly extinguished, as your Lordship de- 
mands of me, either by the gentle and friendly represen- 
tations which I shall make to the Bidays, or, if these do 
not avail, by the rigorous but necessary measures which 
I shall use, all the tribes who are interested in the prompt 
abolition of so harmful a trade concurring to the same 
end. 

There being nothing for me to add to this report, I 


306 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 





respectfully repeat to your Lordship my unchangeable 
desire, in so far as I may be able and your Lordship may 
order me, to fulfill your worthy commands, to the full 
extent of my duty and of my inclination. 

May God spare the important life of your Lord- 
ship as many happy years as possible. San Antonio de 
Bexar, July 4, 1772. 

Sefior Governor-general, your Lordship’s hand is 
kissed by your most humble and faithful subject, 

ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Colonel Baron de Ripperda. 


Return from the Presidio of San Antonto de Bexar, or 


Villa de San Fernando, to Natchitoches™ 


The Villa of San Fernando, capital of the province of 
Texas, or Nuevas Filipinas, inhabited by more than 
eight hundred communicants ministered to by a sec- 
ular priest of the diocese of Guadalaxara, has a mild 
climate and lies north-northeast of the city of Mexico, 
from which it is distant three hundred sixty leagues. 
Its polar elevation, or latitude, is thirty degrees and five 
minutes, and its longitude two hundred sixty-four de- 
grees and five minutes. 

Going east-northeast one comes at once to the San 
Antonio River, which, by means of its irrigating ditches, 


422 This portion of the report was added after De Méziéres reached Natch- 
itoches. Two copies of it are contained in the British Museum, in Add. Ms. 
17574, f. 2 and Add. Mss. 17567, f. 17, ef seq. These will be referred to here as 
B and C respectively. B is an official copy bearing the signature of E] Marqués 
de Casa Calvo, and is the basis of this text. C is a copy made from an official 
copy by the same person. It is possible, therefore, that B is the original of C. 
Between B and C there is little essential difference, although there are many 
variations with respect to spelling, capitalization, abbreviations, the use of 
arabic numerals, etc. One addition is made by C to B, namely de comunion 
[communicant], in the first sentence. The documents, as contained in the Brit- 
ish Museum, form part of a report made on the Louisiana boundary, C being 
called Informe de Miro, sobre la Luisiana. A copy in Pap. Proc. de Cuba, leg. 
2368, no. 2037, contains no essential differences from B and C. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 307 


fertilizes all the lands of the villa, and whose banks 
please the sight by the multitude of its cottonwood and 
other luxuriant trees. Three leagues farther on is the 
arroyo called the Salado. Not far from this is a prairie 
through the middle of which runs the arroyo called the 
Civolo. Continuing in the same direction seven leagues 
and first crossing the arroyo of San Miguel, one comes 
to a spring** forming a considerable-sized river, to 
which they have given the name of Guadalupe, there 
being ata short distance another river of the same name. 
Six leagues farther on one comes to some pools of water 
in a prairie called Los Alamitos. 

Four leagues to the northeast is the San Marcos River, 
which joins the Guadalupe twenty-three leagues from 
this ford; and two leagues farther on the arroyo called 
San Rafael, or FE] Blanco, is reached. Going from here 
northeast through a prairie, nine leagues are covered 
before arriving at the arroyo called Garrapatas; and 
three leagues from here due northeast, in a place 
abounding in buffalo, is the large-volumed Colorado 
River, which empties into the Gulf of Mexico below the 
Bay of Espiritu Santo. From here to the Arroyo del 
Encadenado the distance is estimated at five leagues; 
eight leagues from this place, going east by north, is a 
prairie called Las Animas de Arriba; toward the south 
is a beautiful river called San Xavier; and east-by-north 
at the same distance is another arroyo which they call 
Las Animas de Abaxo. Two leagues southeast from here 


423 Ojo de Agua: literally, a spring, but more often used in eighteenth cen- 
tury manuscripts for creek, or headwater. The springs referred to here are 
the remarkable ones at New Braunfels, Texas. “In addition to common 
springs which issue from beneath bluffs or well up near the banks of water 
courses, there is found in Texas a series of remarkable artesian springs, often 
of large volume, which arise from fissures along the line of the Balcones dis- 
placement. They are usually in the form of beautiful pools of clear water. 
Such springs are found at Austin, Manchaca, San Antonio, Brackett, Delrio, 
and elsewhere” [Simonds, The Geography of Texas, 1905, p. 38.] 


308 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


begins the Monte Grande * [ Big Forest] called Galvan, 
which extends to the east-northeast. Since it contains 
some large hills, and because of the great quantity of 
oaks, walnuts, and other large trees, it is a place difh- 
cult to cross. As one penetrates farther into it, at four 
leagues several arroyos are encountered, among them 
being a spring called Las Puentecitas, in whose neigh- 
borhood the nation of the Maheyes, Yocuanas, and Tan- 
cagtes is usually camped. On the farther edge of this 
range, or forest, one crosses plains having plentiful 
pasturage and a copious spring called Buena Vista. Go- 
ing east by south from here, at a distance of six leagues 
one arrives at the banks of Arroyo del Nuncio, after 
crossing the Arroyo del Aguila. 

Six leagues east is the River Brazos de Dios, whose 
banks are covered with a dense growth of trees, which 
make the crossing difficult; and two leagues farther on 
is the place called Los Angeles. Eight leagues east by 
north from here 1s the prairie of the arroyo called Cor- 
pus Christi. Six leagues northeast is a lake called Santa 
Ana, which is reached after crossing the arroyo called 
Nava Soto; nine leagues farther on in the same direc- 
tion, through country made very pleasing to the sight 
by oaks and walnuts, is the place called Santa Clara; 
and two leagues farther in the same direction is a prairie 
near the lake called San Luis. 

Eight leagues from here east by north, after crossing 
some miry arroyos, the Trinity River is reached; a short 
distance from it is the prairie of the arroyo of San Juan; 
and eight leagues farther on in the same direction, after 


424’The timber belt along the Brazos below and about the mouth of the 
Little River was always called in early days the Monte Grande. It is a part 
of the eastern Cross Timbers. 

425 Las Puentecitas was noted in one of the diaries of the early eighteenth 
century. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 309 


crossing the Arroyo of Santa Ephigenia, is the prairie 
called Del Castafio. Going seven leagues east by north, 
crossing meanwhile the arroyo called Santa Coleta, one 
comes to the plain called San Pedro, which is inhabited 
by the Nabeda Kius Indians, a band of the Texas. Six 
leagues from the foregoing place is the Nechas River; 
then, going east by south for ten leagues one passes large 
hills, pleasant plains, and abundant pastures. Eight 
leagues farther on is the Angelinas River, or the River 
of the Azinais; and nine leagues from here is the mission | 
of Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe de Nacogdoches, in 
whose neighborhood is the rancheria of Indians of that 
nation, and where resides a Franciscan religious of the 
College of Zacatecas. 

Kight leagues east-southeast from this mission is the 
prairie which they call La Tinaja, and eleven leagues 
due east are some sand hills covered with a difficult for- 
est. Five leagues further on the small arroyo of Ato- 
yaque is crossed; and continuing for six leagues one 
reaches the place called Los Ayz (so-named for the In- 
dians living in the neighborhood), where a Franciscan 
religious of the College of Zacatecas lives in the mission 
called Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores. Going seven 
leagues east-northeast past some hills, arroyos, and 
woods, one reaches Arroyo del Patron; seven leagues 
farther in the same direction is the large-volumed river 
called San Francisco de las Sabinas; and eight leagues 
farther in the same direction is the Arroyo de San 
Miguel. 

This very large province can compete with the most 
fertile and productive. It produces in abundance beans, 
maize, large and small stock, buffalo, deer, red deer, 
wild goats, turkeys, bear, wild hogs, partridges, hares, 
rabbits, and other species both of quadrupeds and birds, 


310 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


which have served us in this long journey for recreation 
as well as for sustenance. The province is also fertil- 
ized by the rivers named, which cross it and which so 
abound in fish that one can catch them with great ease. 
The forests produce with great abundance chestnuts, 
medlars, and all the known kinds of walnuts. Grapes 
grow wild with bewildering profusion on stocks and on 
vines which entwine the very trees. But this is not sur- 
prising, considering the fact that the latitude is similar 
to that of Europe. For this reason the same products 
may be expected from the soil, which, when reduced to 
fields, would give abundant harvests of wheat, rice, and 
other ordinary grains, as is now the case in the villa of 
San Fernando. To these may be added the considerable 
yield of cochineal, although wild, of which, because of 
the laziness of the inhabitants, no use is made except for 
dyeing a certain quantity of woolen fabrics for their own 
use. 

Finally, eleven leagues east by south from the before- 
mentioned Arroyo de San Miguel, is the presidio of 
Nuestra Sefiora de los Adaes, in whose neighborhood 
flow other arroyos, having an abundance of pines, oaks, 
walnuts, etc.; and going seven more leagues from that 
presidio in the same direction, one comes to the Fort of 
San Juan Bautista de Natchitoches, which is two hun- 
dred twenty-two leagues from the villa of San Fernando. 

[ Endorsement] This is a copy. 

EL MARQUES DE CASA CALVO. 


94.) DE MEZIERES TO” THE VICEROY, JULY Tonia 


MOST EXCELLENT SIR— SIR: In consequence of the 
decision of the governors of Luisiana and Texas, I have 
been to the tribes who were formerly our enemies, and I 


426 Prov, Int., vol. 20, f. 16. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 17. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 311 


have not only learned of their good intentions, but, since 
I found the Yscanis, Tuacanas, and Taouaiazés divided 
into different bands, very remote from each other, with 
evident detriment to our interests, and since the susp1- 
cion that trade and alliance exist between these tribes 
and those nearest to the English is already confirmed, I 
have also encouraged them to draw near to our settle- 
ments and to unite to form a cordon of which we may 
make use, either in the reduction of the Comanches, of 
whom there is still doubt, or in any trouble that may 
arise from malevolent Indians or from foreigners. All 
of this the chiefs and principal men of these villages, 
who accompanied me to this villa, have promised to put 
into execution as soon as they shall harvest their present 
crop. Atthe same time they make the praise-worthy re- 
quest of a presidio among their own villages, and ask 
that in the meanwhile some soldiers may go to witness *”’ 
the fulfillment of what they have promised the Sefior 
Colonel Baron de Ripperda, whom they solemnly 
elected and unanimously recognized as absolute chief of 
their tribes. 

Now, by order of this same Sefior Colonel, I am again 
going in to these tribes, in company with the very rev- 
erend father preacher, Fray Joseph Abad, to aid him in 
the recovery and conversion of a large number of Xar- 
anamés Indians, apostates who have fled from the mis- 
sion of Espiritu Santo,** and who have been living for 
many years past with the barbarous heathen. Going 
from there I will end my journey by passing among the 


427 T.e. to live among them. 

428'The mission of Espiritu Santo de Zufiga was founded near the lower 
Lavaca River in 1722 close to the site of La Salle’s fort. In 1726 it was re- 
moved to the Guadalupe River, above the present city of Victoria, to a spot 
now called Mission Valley. In 1749 it was again transferred to the San An- 
tonio River, at the present site of Goliad. 


312 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


Texas and Bidais, with the purpose of putting an end to 
their alliance and injurious relations with the Apaches, 
not omitting to assemble the Tancagués,*” in order that 
they may keep the promise they have made me to present 
themselves, as the others have done, before the Sefior 
Colonel Baron de Ripperda. His instructions have 
been the guide for my conduct, and I pride myself not a 
little on having been the instrument, although so feeble 
a one, of which he has deigned to make use for car- 
rying out his wise plans; and if, in my small part, I 
succeed in meriting the enviable approval of your Ex- 
cellency, it will be the most precious fruit of my labors 
and the most secure bond for the continuance of my 
ardent zeal. 

May our Lord guard and prosper the important life 
of your Excellency as many years as he is able and as 
I incessantly ask. San Antonio de Bexar, July 4, 1772. 

Most excellent Sir: Sir, your most respectful sub- 
ject and servant kisses the hand of your Lordship. 

ATHAN!O DE MEZIERES Y CLUGNY [rubric]. 
Most excellent Sefor Viceroy, Fray Don Antonio Maria 
Bucarely y Ursua. 


92. DE MEZIERES TO THE BARON DE RIPPERDA 
JULY 4, 1772 *° 


SIR GOVERNOR-GENERAL— SIR: Being an eye wit- 
ness of the insults and robberies which the Apache In- 
dians have committed during my stay in this villa and 
foreseeing the greater ones which they may commit in 
the future, judging by their perverse disposition and the 
outrages which they have recently perpetrated in Nueva 
Estremadura, I propose to your Excellency to invite 


429 It will be seen from subsequent documents that he did not carry out this 
program completely. 
430 Prov. Int., vol. 20, f. 21. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 21. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 313 


in the coming months of April or May the greatest 
number I can of the tribes of the north, and to con- 
duct them in person until we encounter the Apachés 
referred to, destroy their crops, carry off their stock, 
raze their pueblos, and do them the greatest damage 
possible, so that, having been punished in this way, 
either they may finally enter the missions, as a true ref- 
uge for their safety, or retire to a place where they have 
no opportunity to attempt anything against the security 
of these inhabitants. 

This journey will result in our gaining more and more 
the friendship of the northern tribes mentioned, with 
whom I will arrange this enterprise as if it were devoted 
entirely to their own interests. And when they are free 
from the dread in which they live of the Apaches, if it 
turns out as happily as I desire, we will get them to 
dedicate themselves entirely to the important task of 
keeping watch over the Osages, who are even more ter- 
rible enemies, as is set forth in the report which I have 
the honor to present to your Lordship. 

The supplying of the necessary munitions of war to 
the Indians who may accompany me is to be charged to 
my account, and [ limit myself to asking that rations 
for their return journey to their villages be furnished 
them in this presidio, and that, likewise, permission be 
given them to sell here the captives that they may bring, 
because their rescue will be an act of great humanity, as 
well as because it will serve to encourage such expedi- 
tions. I conclude by entreating you to let me know as 
soon as possible whether this meets your approval, so 
that I may make the necessary arrangements, for your 
Lordship is well aware that I cannot move without first 
obtaining the permission of the worthy chief on whom 


I depend. 


314 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


May God spare the important life of your Lordship 
as many years as he can and as I desire. Bexar, July 4, 
L772 

Sefior Governor-general, I kiss the hand of your 
Lordship. Your most humble servant, 

-ATHAN!° DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Colonel Baron de Ripperda. 


93. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO THE VICEROY 
UY a ener 


[No.1] MOST EXCELLENT SIR, 

Sir: Having reported to your Excellency in my for- 
mer letters the invasions that were continuing in the 
neighborhood of this presidio, and having awaited dur- 
ing the whole month of May just past the arrival in it of 
Don Atanasio Demezieres, lieutenant-governor of the 
post of Natchitoches, accompanied by various chiefs and 
Indians of the nations which have made peace with us, 
I have to inform your Excellency that this arrival took 
place on the tenth of the past month, to my very great 
satisfaction, as I saw thus achieved, in the greater part, 
what I have so much desired, whilst our forces are so 
limited. But, it being reported on the same morning 
that the night before about a hundred mares and she- 
mules of the mission of La Concepcion *’ had been car- 
tied off, it disconcerted and surprised the chiefs of the 
nations as well as us. And, as Don Atanasio Demezi- 
eres gave me the fullest assurance that none of those who 
had accompanied him were implicated, I at once pro- 
vided that an officer should set out with thirty soldiers, 
an equal number of mission Indians, a nephew of Don 


431 Prov. Int., vol. 20, f. 21. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 11. 

432 The reference is to the mission of Nuestra Senora de la Purisima Con- 
cepcién, founded in 1731 a short distance south of San Antonio. Its remains 
are still fairly well preserved. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 315 


Atanasio, and three of the Frenchmen who accompanied 
him, as well as a chief of the Tauayas and two Coman- 
ches, whom I sent on my own horses to be witnesses of 
the aggressors, predicting that they would be of their 
own nation, which proved to be the case. They were 
overtaken after a three days’ run by the officer and three 
soldiers, the nephew of Don Atanasio, three Frenchmen, 
and a Comanche. They could not now [recover] the 
horses, and, although the first order which I gave, and 
which all the chiefs of the other nations approved, was 
to put them to death, yet, because of the petition of the 
chief of the Comanches and of the request of the other 
chiefs, I revoked it, they promising that if the Coman- 
ches continued [their depredations] they would secure 
satisfaction, as their own affair, even by declaring war 
against them. But they, as well as Evéa, chief of their 
nation, gave the offenders a severe and extended punish- 
ment,*** and everybody was very much gratified, al- 
though customarily these nations do not raise the hand 
to punish unless it is to put to death. 

For some days before these Indians arrived, and while 
they were here, up to the twenty-third of the past 
month, disturbances were continual in all directions, 
although of little importance and apparently caused by 
Apaches. The sergeant of the presidio of La Bahia met 
them about ten leagues from his post killing the cattle 
of the mission of El Rosario, but was able to capture 
only two men, five women, and six children, with thirty 
horses. Ordering the men whipped, despoiled of ev- 
erything they had and then released, I authorized the 
captain of that presidio to grant them any favor he 
might wish with respect to the whipping and to leaving 
them some horses, but ordered half of the rest given to 





433 The meaning of this passage is not altogether clear. 


316 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


the mission as a partial recompense for the damage 
which it had suffered, and the remainder distributed 
among those who captured them. Buta few days after- 
ward, when the sergeant was escorting the pack-trains 
that were going for maize to Rio Grande, he was 
very much provoked by the Apaches, who obliged him 
to give a horse to pacify one of those whom he had 
caught killing cattle; and the occurrence being exag- 
gerated, I was obliged to send a detachment to aid him. 
When a party of about eighty persons of the missions 
were bathing, there was seen a party of the same Indians, 
among whom the apostate prisoner confessed to have 
been. ‘They pursued a woman and took off some horses, 
cutting their hobbles in plain sight. The twenty-odd 
horses which on two occasions have been taken from the 
ranch of the captain of this presidio were also taken by 
the Apaches, among them apostates, of whom the most 
pernicious was the one called Joseph Miguel, although 
he was raised from childhood in the mission of San An- 
tonio. Seven months after he fled the last time, with ten 
persons of his family and others, he was so bold as to 
enter the presidio with another heathen (during the 
presence here of the nations who have come to ratify the 
treaties, who as his enemies were stirred up), to find out 
if we had decided to go to attack his people in company 
with the nations of the interior, forgetting that he was a 
fugitive, or at least that he would be treated as such. 
But he was immediately imprisoned, and will remain 
so until your Excellency shall deign to decide what is 
best to do. Subsequently eight horses of the mission of 
San Antonio have been missed, and although their trail 
plainly joined that taken by the Indians of the in- 
terior, we are certain that the offenders cannot be any of 
those who were here, for we are sure that at the first 


one] THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 317 


blow which the Apaches should receive from the others, 
those hereabouts would at once declare themselves. 
And to prevent them from killing the cattle of these 
ranches, where they have done so much damage, I have 
just established a corporal and nine soldiers in the ranch 
of La Mora, belonging to the mission of San Antonio, 
near that of Captain Menchaca. This is all that has oc- 
curred up to the present. Again expressing my due re- 
spect for your Excellency’s authority, I beg that our 
Lord may guard your important life many years. San 
Antonio de Bexar, July 4, 1772. 
Most excellent Sir, Sir: the hand of your Excellency 
is kissed by your most humble and affectionate servant, 
EL BARON DE RIPPERDA [rubric]. 
Most excellent Sefor Fray Don Antonio Maria Bu- 
careli y Ursua. 


94. "THE BARON DERIPPERDA TO THE VICEROY 
JULY 4, 1772 ** 


[No.2] MOST EXCELLENT SIR, 

Sir: I must not fail to inform your Excellency that 
the reverend father president of the missions of the Col- 
lege of Querétaro, Fray Juan Joseph Gumiel, desiring 
to recover several apostate souls of the mission of San 
Antonio, both natives of it as well as Apaches who at 
present live with the heathen of that nation, has decided 
to send to-day, when a convoy is setting out to bring 
maize from the Rio Grande, a minister directed to 
the reverend president of those missions; and, thinking 
greater progress will be made, and with the purpose of 
making his enterprise more successful, has ordered him 
to take the apostate Apache called Joseph Miguel whom 
I have in prison with another, a heathen, because they 
came here while the nations of the interior were here. 


434 Prov, Int., vol. 20, f. 12. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 13. 


318 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


When I had them examined by the captain of this pre- 
sidio, who is protector of the apostate, they said that they 
came to find out whether we were disposed to go with 
those nations to attack them. And although the father 
president named heard the report which the captain 
made of his examination, the Indian has recently suc- 
ceeded in dissuading him by pretending that he came to 
seek the mission, and that he will bring the rest of the 
apostates if they let him go with the father who is setting 
out; therefore, the reverend father asks that he be lib- 
erated, but I have been sorry to have to refuse the re- 
quest, on account of great and powerful objections; 
for this Indian, who had been raised in the mission, 
had become so malevolent that he repeatedly absented 
himself from it, living with the heathen of his nation, 
and even came to do this without the permission of the 
fathers and to have no respect for them whatever. Find- 
ing him so obnoxious and of such bad example, for much 
lighter offenses than the present they had asked that I 
should banish him to labor in the mines. But, having 
informed the reverend father president that it is now my 
intention to thus dispose of him, he says that he will not 
permit it. Therefore I beg your Excellency to please 
inform me whether my authority extends to punishing 
and banishing individuals of the missions who for their 
misdemeanors may merit it or from whom known evils 
will result if they are not expelled as an example; and 
also whether your Excellency regards it proper that the 
said Joseph Miguel should be sent to labor in the mines. 
Meanwhile, I shall keep him imprisoned on account of 
his backslidings mentioned. For recently, seven months 
ago, he fled, taking his wife, her father and mother, and 
as many as ten persons of the mission. He also had a 
part in various thefts which were committed up to two 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 319 


days before his arrival. Spying the Comanches who 
in company with others pretended to make peace, he 
succeeded in killing three, carrying off three women and 
a girl, and in killing the chief of the five Tauayares who 
came to ratify the treaty with me, taking from him the 
Spanish flag and all that I had given them and the 
others. Of this flag his nation made much ostentation, 
showing it to the citizens of this presidio who have gone 
among them. Finally, two chiefs of the friendly nations 
having remained here, one of them, of the Quitseis na- 
tion, who stayed several days watching especially how 
the Comanches comport themselves, went to see the pris- 
oner in question, and the latter tried to catechise him and 
to make him friendly with the Apaches, saying that they 
desire to make friends with them, as well as with the rest 
of the nations of the interior, and bribing him with offers 
of his numerous and rich horse-herd, from which they 
hope to make a goodly gift to chief Sauto also, for they 
know that he is to come soon with people of his tribe, 
the Texa. From all this and the mode of his coming 
your Excellency can infer what kind of a person this 
Indian prisoner is, as well as the sad consequences which 
ought to be expected from liberating him, both because 
of the harm he would always do to his nation and be- 
cause of the likelihood that he would continue his at- 
tacks on the friendly nations, especially upon their with- 
drawal from this presidio. Six of those persons who 
were here, having known the cause of his imprisonment 
and not being ignorant of the damage he had occasioned 
them, suspected us of bad faith for no other reason than 
the knowledge of his liberty. To your Excellency, who 
has deigned to order me to exert all means to bring the 
peace about, and who knows how important it is, I ren- 
der my due respect, awaiting your welcome orders and 


320 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 





hoping that our Lord may guard your excellent person 

many years. San Antonio de Bexar, July 4, 1772. 
Most excellent Sir, Sir: the hand of your Excellency 

is kissed by your most affectionate and respectful ser- 

vant, EL BARON DE RIPPERDA [rubric]. 

Most excellent Sefior Fray Don Antonio Maria Bu- 
careli y Ursua. 


9s. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO THE VICEROY 
JURNUS Siz yea 


[No. 3] MOsT EXCELLENT SIR, 

Sir: The captain of infantry, Don Atanasio De- 
mezieres, lieutenant-governor of the post of Natchi- 
toches, in Luisiana, arrived at this presidio on the 
tenth of last month, after having gone among the tribes 
of the Quisseis, Tauacanas, Yscanes, Tauayares, Uad- 
chitas,*° and Comanches. He likewise summoned the 
Tancaues, but they, not knowing the reason, were un- 
prepared and without horses. They went back to get 
them, but, being called off by news of the Apaches, they 
set out in search of them, although fruitlessly, and did 
not return in time to come with the rest. 

To all these tribes he distributed a large supply of 
presents, with which he went provided. He found them 
all firm in what they had promised, there being doubt of 
the Comanches only, although their principal chief, 
called Puvéa or Euéa, assembled with more than five 
hundred of his tribe, and came here with some of them, 
joining the march at the instigation of the other friendly 
tribes. All accompanied Don Atanasio, to the number 
of seventy, including some women. He spent eighty- 


435 Prov, Int., vol. 20, f. 14. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 15. 

436 It is impossible to say certainly whether this is Uadchitas or lladchitas, 
but the capitalization, as followed in the other names of the list, and the spell- 
ing given in other places by De Méziéres, argue in favor of Uadchitas. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 321 


seven days from the time of his departure from Natchi- 
toches until he arrived at the presidio. He brought his 
nephew, with the royal flag, seven Frenchmen, inhab- 
itants of that post, and another from Los Adaes. 

All of the chiefs of these tribes showed great pleasure 
at having come, notwithstanding the length and the 
difficulty of the journey. They ratified before me the 
promises they had made, especially in the formal meet- 
ing which was held in public, and which was attended 
by four reverend fathers (including the two presidents) , 
the two captains of this presidio and that of the Orco- 
quiza,’’ and the cabildo of this villa. They gave the 
strongest proofs of a sincere truce, enacting for me after- 
ward the feather dance, which among them is a very 
special sign of peace, and giving me the feathers and 
the buffalo skins in which they wrapped me with their 
customary ceremonies. ‘They made very grave har- 
angues to the creator of all things, whom the Tauayas 
recognize, admitting that without his permission nothing 
succeeds; and also to their Indians, to stimulate them to 
keep their promise; and offered to watch over the truce 
of the Comanches, even to the point of declaring war 
against them whenever they should break it. The chief 
Euea agreed that every aggressor from his tribe should 
be put to death. He was somewhat ashamed of the re- 
cent difficulty on account of the robbery which all had 
witnessed at his arrival, and of the false truce, of which 
I reminded him in the public ceremony, bringing out 
the white flag with which they had feigned this truce. 
These reasons prevented them from asking for the 
women of their tribe who are in the province of Coa- 


437 The presidio of San Agustin de Ahumada, or El Orcoquizac, was founded 
in 1756 near the mouth of the Trinity River, on the east bank. It was abandoned 
by 1772. See “Introduction.” 


322 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


huila, although they had come with that intention. But 
the husband of La Gentil has remained here, awaiting, 
doubtless, an opportunity to gain favor. On this ac- 
count, I am repeating my charge to the governor of 
Coahuila to try to keep her, without baptising her, until 
I notify him, urging him very particularly to recover 
and send to me (paying whatever they may demand) 
the wife of the head chief of the Tauayas. She and an- 
other woman having been captured by the Apaches a 
few months ago, the latter fled, and gave certain report 
to this chief that a Spaniard of Coahuila had bought his 
wife, which I have also learned through another chan- 
nel. She isso much esteemed by him that he assures me 
that she is the only one he has ever had, or wishes to have 
until he dies, and, as she leaves him two little orphans, 
he begs for her as zealously as he considers her delivery 
difficult. To secure this I have promised him to use the 
strongest means, and, if it should be necessary, even to 
invoke the powerful authority of your Excellency, for I 
know that if it should not be granted, all that we have 
attained and which is of so much importance, would be 
lost, as will be seen by your Excellency, to whose worthy 
precepts I always live as duly subordinated as I am de- 
sirous of obeying them. May our Lord guard your 
most excellent person many years. San Antonio de 
Bexar, July 5, 1772. 

Most excellent Sir, Sir: the hand of your Excellency 
is kissed by your most respectful and faithful servant, 

EL BARON DE RIPPERDA [rubric ]. 

Most excellent Sefior, Fray Don Antonio Maria Bu- 

careli y Ursua. 

[ Endorsement] To the fiscal, together with the fore- 
going and the letter of Dn. Athanasio de Mezieres. 
Mexico, September 7, 1772. BUCARELI [ rubric]. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 323 


96. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO THE VICEROY 
JULY ss ingacte 


Most EXCELLENT SIR—SIR: Supposing that your 
Excellency may deign to decide to establish a presidio 
in the cordillera of nations which have made peace with 
us, in accordance with their urgent request, I must 
make known to you what I consider most conducive to 
the substantial beginning and successful outcome of 
this matter, which I know to be of such importance for 
this entire realm. I have consulted with Reverend 
Father Fray Pedro Ramirez, president of the interior 
missions, a person of learning and experience, as to the 
advantages of transferring the mission of Los Ais to the 
presidio in question, in case your Excellency should 
think best to erect it, not only in order that, without in- 
crease of expense the soldiers and citizens who gather 
there might have due spiritual care, but also to secure 
by good example, mild treatment, and continual inter- 
course, the conversion of the heathen, or at least the bap- 
tism of the infants who die, the latter being the only 
fruit which in so many years has been gathered from the 
two missions of Nacogdoches and Los Ais, near the 
bands of the Texas. Notwithstanding this fact, these 
Indians, believing that the fathers in this year’s visita- 
tion were taking away those missions, made a disturb- 
ance, which it is to be feared will be the case if the 
missions are transferred to the neighboring nations, 
friends of theirs, though it is a suitable thing to do, con- 
sidering that where they are these missions are superflu- 
ous. And since one father cannot subsist without the 
other, as the minister would be alorie at such a great dis- 
tance from the others, besides many other inconveniences, 
it is his opinion that the two fathers who now live at the 


438 Prov, Int., vol. 20, f. 18. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 18. 


324 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


two missions named should go to establish one at the 
presidio in question. He says, moreover, that during 
his long experience he has found that upon the captain 
and justicia mayor of a presidio depend both the neces- 
sary good beginnings of an establishment and its prog- 
ress, religious, military, and political. He considers 
success very doubtful if so important a post should be 
put in charge of any subject of this province, and says 
that in case it should be he would be obliged to present 
himself before your Excellency with the request not to 
transfer his missions, to be witnesses of the disastrous re- 
sults which must be expected from a bad administration. 
This consideration alone obliges him to present the mat- 
ter with a frankness permissible only in order to avoid 
such irreparable injuries. He adds, therefore, that ac- 
cording to what his experience dictates to him and his 
conscience prompts him, he ought to make known that 
there is on, and has traded upon, the borders of this 
province, which is adjacent to Natchitoches, Luisiana, 
the person most suitable and most worthy of being hon- 
ored by your Excellency with such a charge, namely, 
Dn. Luis de San Denis. He isa person of distinguished 
birth, is ex-lieutenant of the troops of his most Christian 
Majesty,*° is forty years of age, is a son of Dn. Luis, 
formerly commandant of Natchitoches and knight of 
the order of Sn. Luis, is first cousin of Dn. Ygnazio 
Auteuil, lieutenant-general in Spain, and has other rel- 
atives of character and distinction. He is of proved 
Christianity, judgment, and good conduct, and is loved 
by the surrounding nations, who after the loss of his 
father **° danced before him in preference to the com- 
mandant of the post. He is only a little short when it 


439 At Natchitoches. 
440 For the early activities of Luis Juchereau de St. Denis in Texas and 
Louisiana, see the “Introduction.” 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 325 


comes to writing, as a result of having been raised on 
their plantations or in a little village. But, notwith- 
standing the fact that his qualities are patent to all of 
the inhabitants of this province, I requested a report of 
Dn. Atanasio Demezieres, and he with the moderation 
and modesty suitable to the circumstance and to the fact 
that he is a patrician, confirms all of his good qualities, 
and offers on his part, if the plan carries, to select a site 
advantageous both for defense and for a well-favored 
and well-arranged settlement, as he is a mathematician. 
For this reason he intends to draw a map of this prov- 
ince, which [ shall have the honor to present to your 
Excellency. I must report to your Excellency with 
due exactness and impartiality, that, according to the 
knowledge possessed by the citizens of Dn. Luis de Sn. 
Denis, whom I know only by his general reputation, I 
do not think that there could be found another person 
so fitted to assure for the presidio its most successful 
establishment, its best reception, and its most desirable 
progress in the future, both because of the standing 
which he has among the Indians and of the idea which 
they will form that Luisiana is now as much Spanish as 
the former, an opinion which it is so important they 
should have. He is versed in their languages and knows 
Castilian, as well as the peculiar methods of dealing with 
the Indians, by observing which all dealings with them 
are so much facilitated, just as they are disconcerted at 
the slightest cause when their mode of intercourse is ig- 
nored. 

This settlement might be formed at once with thirty 
or forty citizens of Los Adaes, in case that place should 
be extinguished, for, while they would not be able to 
subsist there, lacking the troops, at the new site they 
would have a fertile country, abounding in buffalo, and 


326 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


would have some advantage with respect to the Indians, 
who would in a short time become domesticated by the 
intercourse. All of the foregoing it is my duty, as a 
good servant of the King, to report to your Excellency, 
who will decide what best suits you, and will order me 
your welcome precepts, which give me so much pleasure. 
And may our Lord preserve the life of your Excellency 
as many years asheis able. San Antonio de Bexar, July 
5) 1772. 

Most excellent Sir, Sir: Your most respectful and 
affectionate servant kisses your Excellency’s hand. 

THE BARON DE RIPPERDA [ rubric]. 

Most excellent Sefor Fr. Dn. Anto. Maria Bucareli y 

Ursua. 

[Endorsement] Mexico, September 7, 1772. Let all 
be passed to the fiscal with the antecedent documents. 


97. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO THE VICEROY 
PURO Sg 2 ine 


[No.5] MOST EXCELLENT SIR, 

Sir: Moved by his well-known zeal and wise con- 
duct (which are manifested by the unceasing pains with 
which he watches over whatever promotes the service 
of both majesties) and by knowledge of the great dis- 
turbances and ruin which the Apache nation are causing 
on the frontiers of this kingdom, Captain Don Atanasio 
Demesieres asks the superior permission of your Excel- 
lency, granting that of his governor, to make a campaign 
against these Apaches, in company with the interior na- 
tions, at the slight cost which he makes known in the 
memorial which he has presented to me and which I 
forward to your Excellency, in order that you may deign 
to inform me what you think best, and, in the event 





441 Prov. Int., vol. 20, f. 23. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 22. See Docu- 
ment 92. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 327 


[that you approve it], that you may permit me to set out 
at the same time with one hundred fifty or two hun- 
dred men, including soldiers, citizens, and mission In- 
dians, if they can be got together, to attack the rancherias 
of that nation from another direction. I have no doubt 
we could succeed in destroying it, at least where we. 
should strike the first blow. Your Excellency will de- 
cide in everything what you may think best, and will 
give me your frequent orders as to whatever may be your 
pleasure. May God preserve your most excellent per- 
son many years. 

San Antonio de Bexar, July 6, 1772. 

Most excellent Sir, Sir: Your most affectionate and 
faithful servant kisses your Excellency’s hand. 

THE BARON DE RIPPERDA [ rubric]. 

Most excellent Sefior Fray D= Ant? Maria Bucareli y 

Ursua. 


98. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO THE VICEROY 
PURO YG 77s 


[No.6] MOST EXCELLENT SIR, 

Sir: Although I know it to be of the highest impor- 
tance to the service of both majesties that the lieutenant- 
governor of Natchitoches, Dn. Atanasio Demezieres, 
who combines with his natural ability and mathematical 
education a knowledge of these two provinces of Texas 
and Luisiana such as no one else possesses, as well as of 
the various nations which surround them, having gained 
the esteem of several, should go to report to your Ex- 
cellency by word of mouth the solid grounds for fearing 
the future ruin, of this province at least, and to make 
duly known the remedies or doubts which may present 
themselves; and, although I am convinced that your 





442 Proy, Int., vol. 20, f. 24. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 23. 


328 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


Excellency would approve this procedure, and that his 
governor, at whose order he is here, would not take it 
amiss; yet, against my own judgment, I have refrained 
from sending him, because I recognize the great im- 
portance of taking steps without loss of time and with all 
haste to cut off the pernicious friendship which the 
Vidays have had for the Apaches during the last four 
years and which is constantly getting stronger, and to 
prevent the Apaches from making an alliance with ithe 
Texas. A beginning of the latter alliance was made 
last year when the Texas retired from here, through the 
especial care with which the Vidays arranged that they 
should come together; for when the Texas were intend- 
ing to return shortly with their head chief, Sauto, with 
the purpose of seeking another present and of scaring 
the Apaches (as I am informed), knowing that the 
Apaches called Lipanes, to the number of fifteen hun- 
dred or more men were on the Rivers Nuezes, Frio, and 
Rio Grande, three or four days from this presidio, the 
Texas, being incomparably inferior in number, and al- 
lied and interrelated with the Vidays, were for the most 
part won over by the Vidays to the Apache party, for 
they approached them without the force necessary to de- 
feat them, and it must have been to ratify their treaties. 

This important matter could not have the desired out- 
come except through Dn. Athanasio Demezieres, who is 
arranging to set out*** at once, although he has been 
sick, and to direct himself and his party of Frenchmen 
and five soldiers, accompanied by the Reverend Father 
Fray Joseph Abad de Jesus Maria, minister of the mis- 
sion of Espiritu Santo, near the presidio of the same 
name, in search of forty-odd families of Jaranames, 


448 He left San Antonio on the twelfth or the thirteenth of July. See Docu- 
ments 101 and 106. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 329 


apostates from the mission, who have made much war 
on us and have served as spies and guides for the other 
nations. Although they all left in a body, and although 
they have to a large extent forgotten the faith, he goes to 
take all measures possible to reduce them, as well as to 
send word to the Texas and Vidays to await him, that he 
may go with an auxiliary force from the friendly na- 
tions to intimate directly to the Vidays that they must 
either declare war on the Apaches or against the nations 
friendly to us, and to require of the Texas that they shall 
not come to these parts without bringing a force of their 
allies large enough to be able, with probability, to de- 
stroy any rancherias of the Apaches they may encounter. 
In the successful accomplishment of this commission 
M. Demezieres will, I doubt not, perform a great ser- 
vice. And inorder that your Excellency may be pleased 
to make known to me your precepts, I repeat that I am 
at your service, and beg our Lord to preserve your im- 
portant life many years. San Antonio de Bexar, July 
Os1'772: 
Most excellent Sir, Sir: your most respectful and af- 
fectionate servant kisses your Excellency’s hand. 
THE BARON DE RIPPERDA [rubric]. 
Most excellent Sefor Fray Dn. Antonio Maria Bucareli 
y Ursua. 


99. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO THE VICEROY 
POLY Ore zie 


MOosT EXCELLENT -SIR— SIR: Having reported to 
your Excellency my fears that the Nations of the North, 
with whom we are now at peace, would come to be fond 
of the injurious English trade and of English goods, I 
am now under the painful necessity of reporting to 





444 Proy, Int., vol. 20, f. 26. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 24. 


330 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES _ [ Vol. 


your Excellency that it has become well known to 
Captain Dn. Atanasio Demezieres that this has unfor- 
tunately come to pass through the Panis-mahas, a nu- 
merous nation situated near the Missuris, who have 
brought to the Tauayas guns and ammunition in ex- 
change for horses. To this trade contributed an Indian, 
christianized in Quebec and very well versed in French, 
who, as well as two of the Panis-mahas, has come 
here with the Tauayas. From this beginning must re- 
sult such fatal consequences as are set forth in the well- 
grounded representation which the commandant of 
Natchitoches has made to me, and which I transmit to 
the hands of your Excellency, on whose great zeal and 
clear discernment I have founded my hope of the ef- 
fective remedy demanded by a contagion as pernicious 
as it will be open and irremediable in the future, unless 
by some means it is crushed out at once. This M. De- 
mezieres has already wisely tried to do, so far as he 
could, by effecting the removal of the villages, which 
some of the nations have promised, particularly one of 
the Tauaias, which had received these English goods. 
In this way they would be farther away [from the 
trade], and in the cordon with the rest of their nation 
and other friends. ‘Their chiefs have made very urgent 
requests to take with them at least four or five Spaniards, 
to remain for a time in their village, in order that all of 
the people of their tribes may observe the true friend- 
ship and union which we now maintain with them, as 
though we were one and the same nation, and to be wit- 
nesses of their conduct, as well as of the transfer of these 
villages to the places promised. They have obliged me 
to promise to order that five soldiers should go from Los 
Adaes for the purpose, to remain in their villages until 
they are established in the cordon, and to accompany 


one] THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 331 


them until they are placed upon lands suitable for the 
presidio which they desire as greatly as I consider it 
important to us, not only to keep those nations quiet, sub- 
jugate the Comancha, castigate the Apache, and cause 
them to love us through continual intercourse, but 
also to prevent the invasions which are to be expected 
from the nations protected by the English and in time of 
war from the English themselves. As I have made 
known to your Excellency, this, by affording these In- 
dian people trade in guns and ammunition, will have re- 
sults as favorable as they will be disastrous if trade is de- 
nied them, or if they are allowed to supply themselves 
from the English so advantageously. All of this, in ful- 
fillment of my duty, [ ought to make known to your Ex- 
cellency’s distinguished comprehension, begging that 
you may be assured of the sincere zeal which inspires my 
representation, that you may be pleased to order me 
whatever may be most to your pleasure, and that God 
may preserve your most excellent person as many years 
as he can. 
San Antonio de Bexar, July 6, 1772. 
Most excellent Sir, Sir: Your most affectionate and 
faithful servant kisses your Excellency’s hand. 
THE BARON DE RIPPERDA [rubric]. 
Most excellent Sefor D= Ante Maria Bucareli y Ursua. 


100. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO THE VICEROY 
A UY Belle Bile he be De a 


[No.7] MOosT EXCELLENT SIR, 

Sir: Last night as I was about to despatch these let- 
ters to overtake the convoy which is going for maize to 
the presidio of Rio Grande, I received word from the 
corporal whom I sent to prevent the Apaches from kill- 





445 Prov, Int., vol. 20, f. 39. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 41. 


332 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES | [Vol. 


ing cattle belonging to these ranches, to the effect that 
while they were reconnoitering the country that day they 
found a dead beef animal, and that going with nine men 
he encountered about fifteen Apaches making jerked 
beef, whom he ordered captured in order to bring them 
prisoners. ‘They faced about and shot arrows at the sol- 
diers. Thereupon the corporal ordered his men to fire, 
and they killed two of the Apaches; the rest fled leaving 
thirty horses and some loads of meat already jerked, be- 
sides several beeves killed. Returning to the ranch of 
Captain Menchaca, he sent the foregoing word. Incon- 
sequence, since I had only thirty-four soldiers, destined 
to escort Don Atanacio Demezieres over this part of the 
journey, and a band of horses from outside, all | of ours | 
having gone, and since I do not know whether the rever- 
end fathers presidents have furnished any Indians from 
their missions, as I have asked them to do, I have ordered 
the captain of Orcoquiza, who goes in charge of said 
troop, whose business it is and who dealt with the Apa- 
ches in the time of Parrilla, that when he should reach the 
rancheria to which the trail leads, he should reprimand 
them cautiously and without bluster, in my name, telling 
them how angry I am at them for the robberies which 
we have suffered at their hands, and for the damages 
which they cause among the cattle of La Bahia and of 
these ranches; that since we do them no injury they 
ought not to injure us; that they should tell us what they 
think; that if they continue we have plenty of men to 
punish them, and a king who will send more if they are 
needed; that they can plainly see that I have not told the 
interior nations to attack them, but that if they do not 
mend their ways I will do so, and will punish them se- 
verely. If said captain finds them quiet, he is to order 
those named to go for the horses and to take these let- 


one] THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 333 


ters, he retiring to the presidio; but that if they should 
resist he is to do what he can, going ahead as fast as 
possible and continuing to the Rio Grande to escort 
the convoy; and he is also to promise them the free- 
dom of a heathen whom we have in prison here if his 
chief comes and promises to make amends. ‘This be- 
ing everything which up to the present occurs to me 
to place before the attention of your Excellency, whose 
frequent orders [ desire, I beg that our Lord may pros- 
per your life many years. San Antonio de Bexar, July 
7) 1772- 

Most excellent Sir, Sir, the hand of your Excellency 
is kissed by your most affectionate and respectful ser- 
vant. EL BARON DE RIPPERDA [rubric]. 
Most excellent Sefior Fray Don Antonio Maria Bu- 

carely y Ursua. 


101. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO THE VICEROY 
AUGUST 2) 1772 474 


MOsT EXCELLENT SIR— SIR: The four letters dated 
the sixteenth of June which I[ have the honor to receive 
from your Excellency, leave me with the satisfaction 
due for the favor you show me by approving my pro- 
visions and measures to secure the peace with the Na- 
tions of the North, which is of such interest to us that I 
have continued to apply the most effective means to per- 
fectit. Your Excellency will have noted from my for- 
mer letters, dated the third and the fifth of the last 
month, the coming of different nations, the ratification of 
treaties, the granting of that of the Comanches by a chief 
held in the greatest respect in the nation, who said at 
once that he could not answer for his dispersed and large 
nation, and other matters. 





446 Proy, Int., vol. 20, f. 41. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 42. 


334 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES | [Vol. 


Dn. Atanasio Demezieres set out on the thirteenth of 
the past month with a father minister and eight soldiers 
in search of the Jaranames, apostates for many years 
from the mission of Espiritu Santo, as well as to cause 
to come here the nation of the Tancaues, who have not 
even been here to ratify the treaties with me, and to pre- 
vent the Texas from ratifying treaties with the Apaches, 
which they are about to do very soon. This last nation 
provided that four chiefs should go with numerous peo- 
ple to the Colorado River, the point where Captain 
Sauto ought to emerge with his Texas and the obnoxious 
nation of the Vidays, to hold their assembly, which I 
hope M. Demezieres will break up. He may be able 
to do this successfully, especially if he receives a letter 
which I have directed to him by the very Viday who 
went as a messenger of the Apaches to call this assembly. 
One of Demezieres’s principal objects was to oblige the 
Vidays to declare war against the Apaches or against 
us and the nations who are our friends. Up to the pres- 
ent these latter are keeping the promised peace, except- 
ing the Comanches, who keep us disturbed by stealing 
our droves of horses. They having run off the larger 
part of the drove belonging to the mission of San Joseph, 
a lieutenant with the twenty soldiers, who were here at 
the time, are now in pursuit of them; but they have no 
hope of recovering them, because of the great advantage 
which they derived from the carelessness of the Indians 
of the missions. But I have had the good fortune that, 
having very urgently requested from the governor of 
Coahuila the wife of the principal chief of the Tauayas, 
whom the Apaches captured and sold to the Spaniards 
of that province, he should send her to me with the 
convoy of maize. I have her in my house ready to de- 
liver or send to her husband at the first opportunity, 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 335 


hoping that she may be the key that shall open the way 
to our treaties. 

I reiterate to your Excellency the due respect and af- 
fection with which I desire to render obedience to your 
welcome precepts. May our Lord preserve your ex- 
cellent person the many years which are so important to 
me. San Antonio de Bexar, August 2, 1772. 

Most excellent Sir, Sir: your most affectionate and 
respectful servant kisses the hand of your Excellency. 

EL BARON DE RIPPERDA [rubric]. 
Most excellent Sefior Fray Ant? Maria Bucareli y 
Ursua. 


102. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO THE VICEROY 
AUGUy Lz, 1772.57" 


MOsT EXCELLENT SIR— SIR: Having merited from 
your Excellency that you should deign to keep in mind 
my proposal to establish a fort between the Guadalupe 
and San Marcos Rivers,*** to cover the entrance of the 
Nations of the North to this presidio and that of La 
Bahia, I ought to inform your Excellency that if the 
establishment of a presidio in the cordon, which the na- 
tions recently become friendly ought to form, should 
come to pass, as they request and with the efficiency and 
importance which I have represented to your Excel- 
lency, then the former presidio would not be necessary. 
But a pueblo protected by a small garrison or detach- 
ment would be very important and useful so long as the 
Comanche nation continues to commit depredations 
upon us. In view of the beautiful location of the place, 
which is well stocked with cattle, and of its convenience 
for lending a hand to this presidio, it would form a sta- 


447 Prov. Int., vol. 20, f. 43. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 43. 
448 The date of this proposal is not known to the editor. 


ane ATHANASE DE MEZIERES __ [Vol. 


tion on the way to the presidio planned, and the latter, 
one on the way to Luisiana. 

Your Excellency will know what is best, all things 
considered, and will please give me your esteemed or- 
ders, which I covet, while I beg God to preserve your 
excellent person many years. San Antonio de Bexar, 
August 2, 1772. 

Most excellent Sir, Sir: the hand of your Excellency 
is kissed by your most affectionate and respectful servant. 

EL BARON DE RIPPERDA [ rubric ]. 
Most excellent Sefior Fray Don Antonio Maria Bu- 
careli y Ursua. 

[ Endorsement] Mexico, September 16, 1772. Add 
these letters and documents of the governor of the prov- 
ince of ‘Tejas to those which he sent under the date of 
April 28 of this year,**’ and send them all to the office 
of my Superior Government, where they belong, in or- 
der that the proper summary may be made. ‘This done, 
let a report be made, in order that a junta may be called; 
likewise send to the fiscal a copy of the ordinances and 
instructions which he asks for in his opinion of the thir- 
ty-first of last July. BUCARELI [ rubric]. 


103. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
AUGUST | 20))1772/*°° 


[No.4] SENOR GOVERNOR-GENERAL, 

Sir: Father Fray Joseph Abad, of the College de 
Propaganda Fide of Sacatexas, being informed that I 
had gathered a large number of Xaraname Indians, 
fugitives and apostates from the mission of Espiritu 
Santo, decided to come with me to dedicate himself to 
their conversion and to induce them to return to their 
old home. With this in view, since I could not accom- 


449 See Document 86. 
450 Bancroft Coll., Louisiana. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 337 


pany him further than to the Texas, or Acinays, where I 
found the Biday chiefs, with whom I had to discuss a 
serious matter at length, I decided that my interpreter 
and Don Nicolas Layssard** should proceed in my 
place with the reverend father. ‘They continued with 
felicity, and the important purpose of the journey of the 
apostolic man would have been accomplished if he had 
been more patient, as I had well admonished him to be, 
and had he not wished to dispel miraculously by five or 
six days’ preaching an apostasy of more than ten years. 
The result is that the Xaranaméz have already deserted 
their minister; but perhaps the Lord will be pleased to 
entrust these unhappy and strayed sheep to the care of a 
pastor who, if not more zealous, is at least more perse- 
vering. 

May God spare the important life of your Lordship 
the many years which I desire. Natchitoches, August 
20, 017772. 

Sefior Governor-general, I kiss the hand of your Lord- 
ship. Your most humble servant and faithful subject. 

ATHANIO DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 
Sefior Brigadier and Governor-general. 


104. DE MEZIERES TO UNZAGA Y AMEZAGA 
AUS CUS LY 20 my 72 ene 


[No. 5] SENOR GOVERNOR-GENERAL, 

StR: ‘The Baron de Ripperda having sent me a mes- 
senger with the news, dated the twenty-fifth of the month 
past, that the four Apache chiefs were going with a large 
number of their people to the Bidais and Acinais to 
ratify the pernicious treaties which they had entered into 
with them, and, under the shelter of these treaties, to 
continue with them the injurious commerce in firearms 


451 Nephew of De Méziéres. See Document 105. 
#52 Bancroft Coll., Louisiana. 


338 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES_ - [ Vol. 


and munitions of war, I at once sent a message to the 
chiefs of these Bidais and Acinais nations, urging them 
not to lose so propitious an occasion to fulfill the promise 
which they have given me, and to avail themselves of 
feigned friendship in order to prevent any of the men- 
tioned Apaches from leaving their hands alive. In con- 
sequence of this advice they have invited all the neigh- 
boring villages to gather and aidthem. The latter have 
decided to set out at once, and I expect a favorable report 
very soon. 

In view of the report which I have formerly given 
your Lordship of the insults of the Apachéz (who have 
recently razed a flourishing mining camp in La Nueva 
Estremadura,*” which borders on the province of Los 
Texas) I hope that your Lordship will not take ill the 
trickery to which I, in agreement with the said Sefior 
Baron, resort to repress the audacity of these ferocious 
and indomitable Indians; for, says the poet, ‘““Dolus, an 
virtus, quis in hoste requirat.” * ‘This maxim cannot be 
followed with people who prove themselves inhuman, 
without offending humanity, especially in the critical 
circumstance of their seeking and succeeding in the alli- 
ance (if it be not prevented) and in getting the muni- 
tions, which, by making them almost invincible, would 
give more rein to their fury and complete our misfor- 
tunes. 

May God preserve the important life of your Lord- 
ship the many years which he can and which I desire. 
Natchitoches, August 20, 1772. 

Sefior Governor-general, I kiss the hand of your Lord- 
ship. Your most humble servant and faithful subject. 

ATHAN!9 DE MEZIERES [rubric]. 





453 Coahuila. 


* “Whether it be craft or valor, who would ask in dealing with a foe?” 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 339 


105. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO THE VICEROY 
AUGUST 25), 1772/7474 


Most EXCELLENT SIR—SIR: Having reported to 
your Excellency that the Reverend Father Abad de 
Jesus Maria, minister of the mission of E] Espiritu San- 
to, had set out with the captain of infantry Dn Atanasio 
Demezieres, lieutenant of the post of Natchitoches, Luis- 
lana, six leagues distant from Los Adaes, I must inform 
your Excellency that they went with the intention of 
going to the Tancaues nation to induce them to come 
here, as the rest of the neighboring tribes have done, to 
ratify the treaties. They intended to continue to the 
Tauacana nation where were the Jaranames, apostates 
for some years past from the mission of E] Espiritu 
Santo, to the number of sixty men, about forty women, 
and some children, to try to secure their conversion by 
gentle means, but with little hope of succeeding. The 
father was to return with them, and Demezieres was to 
go with some men of the friendly nations to the Vidays to 
force them to declare war against the Apaches or against 
us and our allies, on account of the continual trade which 
for years past they have carried on in arms and ammu- 
nition. He was to influence the Texas not to come to 
Bexar, as they were intending to do, alone—for their 
small force would cause them to ratify the treaty which 
for the same reason they were obliged to make last year — 
but to unite with larger forces, and thus be able to make 
an attack upon the Apaches. 

But I now have a letter which the reverend father 
sends me from the mission of Nacodogches, telling me 
that he had continued in company of Demecieres as far 
as the Texa nation, where they found the Vidays also. 


454 Prov. Int., vol. 20, f. 46. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 45. 


340 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


The place isnear Nacodogches and nearly two hundred 
leagues from here by the direct road from Los Adays and 
Natchitoches, whither he [De Méziéres] went with 
two soldiers and some Frenchmen because of some ur- 
gent business, leaving his nephew, the French inter- 
preter,*” and six soldiers for the father, that he might 
go to the Tauacanas to get the apostates, which he did, 
although by a circuitous route and without success. For, 
being tenderly chided by the father, the leaders among 
them replied with insolence, and even with threats of 
coming to carry off or even to kill those of their nation 
who remain in the mission. Nevertheless, he remained 
there seven days, when they began to file out for the 
other village of the Tauacanas on the upper Brazos 
River, where a large gathering of Indians of the friend- 
ly nations was being formed. | 

The father considered their treaty to be insincere, and 
was very certain of the existence of an excessive trade 
between the inhabitants of Luisiana and these nations in 
guns, ammunition, and other articles used by the In- 
dians. He suspects that Demezieres is interested in this 
trade, and thinks that the matter might be remedied if 
he, the father, should go to inform the governor of 
New Orleans, for which he asks [my] permission and 
the license of his president, and, in case it is not granted, 
leave to retire to his college of Guadalupe de Zacatecas. 
I have discussed the matter with the reverend president, 
and with the president of [the missions] of Santa Cruz 
de Querétaro, who in the main follows the opinion of 
the said father. Therefore they concluded that he 
should go to see the said governor, if he regards it so 
necessary, bearing a letter from me, in which I give him 
to understand that I suspend my judgment for the reason 


455 Nicolas Layssard. See Document 103. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 341 


that it is difficult to learn the truth, because of the preju- 
dice of those who might know. But, considering es- 
pecially that in this province commerce is not permitted 
as it is in that, even with Spain, and considering, besides 
the fact that Texas does not engage in trade as does 
Louisiana, the slight esteem which the heathen have for 
its inhabitants— knowing as they do that they get no ad- 
vantage except the opportunity to steal its droves of 
horses—this complicity may be inferred. Indeed, it 
may be inferred from antecedents alone, as well as from 
the consequences which we see. With respect to the 
antecedents, there is no doubt that M. Demezieres has 
been established for many years in Natchitoches; that 
during his early manhood he made many sojourns 
among the heathen nations; or that he traded with 
them while the province was ruled by France. As to the 
consequences, we see the nations with a large supply of 
guns, ammunition, and other goods, all French, and the 
great number of guns which the Viday nation has sup- 
plied to the Apaches for the last four years, and which, 
it may be inferred, they acquired in the same way. 

This trade with the Apaches is as disadvantageous to 
us as it might be advantageous if conducted with the 
tribes newly become friendly, as long as they continue 
to be such. I understand, although not authoritatively, 
that the most excellent Sefior Conde de O’Reyli pro- 
vided that there should be supplied annually a definite 
quantity of guns and ammunition to the Cadodachos (as 
formerly was allowed by the most Christian king) 
on the ground of the fidelity which that nation has main- 
tained and now maintains; but it would not be just that 
this quantity should be exceeded. 

I ought to inform your Excellency that Demecieres is 
a distinguished man from Paris, who appears very hon- 


342 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES _~ [ Vol. 


orable and desirous to prove his honor and make known 
his zeal in the service of his new monarch; that the na- 
tions recently become friends are now quiet and have 
been ever since they promised to be so, with the excep- 
tion of the stealing of horses, which even the Coman- 
ches are guilty of, and which not even the chief of that 
nation who made the treaty doubted, because of the 
difficulty in subjecting them, they being so dispersed and 
so farapart. Indeed, even the Tancaues have not come 
to ratify with me the peace which they also made in 
Adaes and Natchitoches, and not one has been seen since. 

The convoy which went in to Los Adaes with the Eng- 
lish *° and which passed through the Texas and Vidais 
at the same time that Demezieres parted with the father 
mentioned, returned a few days ago, and a citizen of 
veracity tells me that he was informed that Demezieres 
had talked with the principal captains of the Vidays, 
trying to break up their friendship for the Apaches; 
and with the Texas, to prevent them from becoming their 
friends. And all tell me, on the part of the great cap- 
tain of the Texas, called Sauto, to whom I have made 
goodly gifts, that they knew there was a large concourse 
of Indians of this Apache nation slaughtering buffalo, 
half way to this presidio, and that the Texas did not in- 
tend to come to deal with them, but that Sauto was 
awaiting to hear whether I wished him to come and at- 
tack them, since unless they were our enemies they would 
not be theirs. | 

The first assemblage, which Demezieres made of 
some of the nations who were at war with us, was in the 
autumn of ’seventy at Los Cadodachos. He was accom- 
panied by the reverend father minister of the mission of 








456 The reference is not to the Acadians, who went overland in 1769, but 
to the party of English sailors picked up later. 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 343 


Los Adaes and curate of the presidio and by some sol- 
diers of the latter. They returned with complaints of 
the commerce which they had seen in Cadodachos and 
of worse results which they expected, since the nation 
did not agree to peace, but were only summoned for the 
next year. Concerning this my lieutenant drew up ju- 
dicial proceedings in Los Adaes, which, with the report 
of the same Demezieres, quite at variance with them, I 
sent to your Excellency’s distinguished predecessor, to 
whom the governor of Luisiana transmitted the docu- 
ments presented to him by Demezieres, complaining of 
the somewhat scandalous discord which, for the forego- 
ing reason,’’’ had been caused between the father and my 
lieutenant, whom your Excellency ordered me to re- 
quire to make amends to Demezieres suitable to his rank. 

I have seen fit to molest your Excellency with this 
prolix report in order that you may be informed of ev- 
erything [reported] as well as of what has been done. 
I do not think it wise to change in any respect our pres- 
ent method of dealing with the nations, whose friend- 
ship will be firmer the more they are dealt with. There- 
fore I consider very desirable the presidio which they 
ask for, and have already reported to your Excellency 
that, if you approve of it, I have decided, at their re- 
quest, to send five soldiers of Los Adaes for a time to the 
villages of the new friends to see to the union of one vil- 
lage of ‘Tauayas in the cordon with another of the same 
tribe, as they promised. I am impatiently awaiting 
letters from Demezieres which, I have no doubt, will 
state the true reasons for what he has done. 

Your Excellency can see how diverse are the opinions 
and reports which different men give of affairs and will 
understand the very serious injuries which usually result 


457 This discord is referred to in Documents 70 and 74, and in footnote 241. 


344 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES _ [Vol. 


from these differences. But I know that I should hide 
nothing from your Excellency, and that with your clear 
discernment you will give to the various opinions due 
weight and to me your welcome orders which [| desire, 
as well as that our Lord may prosper the most excellent 
person of your Excellency many years. 

San Antonio de Bexar, August 25, 1772. 

Most excellent Sir, Sir: your most respectful and 
faithful servant kisses your Excellency’s hand. 

THE BARON DE RIPPERDA [ rubric]. 

Most excellent Sefior Fray Anto. Maria Bucareli y Ur- 

sua. 


106. THE BARON DE RIPPERDA TO UNZAGA Y AME- 
ZAGA, SEPTEMBER 8, 1772 *°8 


My DEAR SIR: By the letter carried by the lieutenant- 
governor of Natchitoches, Don Atanasio Demecieres, I 
informed your Lordship that he set out from here on the 
twelfth *° of July in company with Fray Joseph Abad, 
minister of the mission of Espiritu Santo, adjacent to 
the presidio of the same name in this province, with the 
intention of going by way of the Tancaues to induce 
them to ratify the treaties, like the rest of the surround- 
ing nations, and of continuing to the Tauacanes, where 
there were more than sixty Jaranames, apostates from 
the same mission, who for some years back have caused 
grave damages in these presidios by directing the na- 
tions in their robberies and atrocities, to try to secure 
their conversion anew. Now I have to inform your 
Lordship that, not being able to go directly to the Tan- 
caues and Tauacanes, and learning when among the 
Texas the news of a great sorrow in his home, he went 
directly thither, leaving his nephew and the interpreter 


458 Bancroft Coll., Louisiana. 
459 Compare Document 101, where the date is given as the thirteenth. 


one] THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 345 





to go with four soldiers in company with the reverend 
father named, although now by a roundabout way, on 
his enterprise to the Tauacanes. He found his apostates 
there, but they were so bold that they answered his loving 
and apostolic suggestions with the greatest rudeness. 
The one who acts as their chief told him that they would 
not return alive or rather that they would return to seek 
those of their nation who remained in the mission, and 
that if they would not follow them they would kill them 
and carry off their women and children. Notwithstand- 
ing the fact that he gave them the provisions which he 
carried, they scorned his tobacco, as did the ‘Tauacanes, 
on account of the abundant supply which they had from 
that province; and after he had remained with them 
seven days they took flight, all going to the other pueblo 
of the Tauacanes. The father returned to the mission of 
Nacodogches, which is very near to the Texas, whence 
he despatched me two of the soldiers of his escort to con- 
vey this news and to ask permission to go down to inform 
your Lordship by word of mouth of his little faith in 
the stability of these treaties, since the T'auacanes did not 
lend him force to coerce his apostates, according to the 
promise of the nations that they would deliver up all 
whom they might have, and to report the excessive com- 
merce which he noted in this nation, especially in guns 
and munitions, and which he knows is carried on in all 
the nations, by the inhabitants of the province in your 
Lordship’s charge; for he could find no other remedy 
for so great a danger to these presidios as was disclosed 
by these circumstances. Of the same opinion, in the 
main, were these reverend fathers presidents, with whom 
I discussed the matter more than once, and I consented, 
reporting the decision to the most excellent Sefior Vice- 
roy, taking advantage of the opportunity to do so which 


346 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


presented itself at the time. But I took due care to in- 
form him as to what happened the first time that Don 
Atanasio Demecieres, in company with the Reverend 
Father Santa Maria, assembled some of the chiefs of the 
enemies in Los Cadodachos, concerning the results of 
which my lieutenant at Los Adaes took some testimony, 
as well as of the events which followed, as your Lord- 
ship knows, and of the decision given by his excellent 
predecessor. I stated at the same time that this M. De- 
mecieres is a well born and able man, and desirous of 
proving himself zealous in the service of his new mon- 
arch, from all of which it would be expected that he 
would deceive in nothing. But I had no suggestion to 
offer, except that we should continue without alteration 
the method which we were pursuing with the nations, 
since all were quiet except the Comanches, to keep whom 
quiet it was always difficult, at least for more than a 
short time, because of their distance away and of their 
dispersion. All this I likewise make known to your 
Lordship. With respect to the trade in guns and am- 
munition which those inhabitants carry on with the na- 
tions, although I have not the necessary information re- 
garding the provision made by the most excellent Sefior 
Conde de O Reylli, yet believing that it consists only in 
an annual assignment of guns and ammunition to the 
Cadodachos, it seems strange to us that they should ex- 
ceed this, reaching out now as never before to the nations 
who live in this province, whence the goods pass to the 
hands of the Apaches, with great injury to the frontiers 
of this kingdom. I hope that M. Demecieres will rem- 
edy this through the Vidays, by obliging them to declare 
themselves enemies of the Apaches. And your Lord- 
ship, as you know what you ought to permit, will like- 
wise know what needs correction and prohibition, as 


one] THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 347 


well as the method by which it should be effected, re- 
membering that if trade should be prohibited among the 
nations accustomed to receive in abundance what is so 
much to their interest and they should become irritated 
the results might be worse, and that if they should find 
means to supply themselves through the English they 
would without doubt be most lamentable and even irre- 
mediable. These obstacles being reflected upon by these 
reverend fathers presidents, and it being known that Don 
Atanasio Demecieres offers to accompany Father Abad, 
with your Lordship’s permission, to repeat the attempt 
to reduce his apostates, as soon as he is free from the 
ague and the weaknesses with which he is afflicted, en- 
couraging him to remain for this purpose in the mission 
of Nacodogches until he succeeds in it, according to his 
reply to the letter which this religious wrote him from 
El Tauacana, these reverend presidents, in accord with 
me, have agreed that the father should remain in Naco- 
dogches and not go down to molest your Lordship until 
notification of his expedition is had from M. Demeci- 
eres, to whom [ am reporting this decision. And I beg 
that your Lordship will grant him your permission for a 
work which will so greatly serve God and the king. 

Recently there arrived from Los Adaes five soldiers 
with the letters of Don Atanasio Demecieres, a resident 
of Los Adaes and his wife coming with them. About 
two days this side of the Texas they were attacked by 
fourteen T'auayas and Ouachitas, among them being a 
petty but diabolical chief of the latter nation who was 
here with the people of his tribe to ratify the treaties. 
Being on the way to steal the horseherd of the Vidays, 
they surrounded our people and attempted to kill them, 
or at least the woman, but succeeded only in taking from 
them nine choice horses (including even some of those 


348 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [Vol. 


which they were riding), the provisions, four saddle- 
blankets, the bridle, the anquera,**° the knapsacks of the 
woman’s horse, and even the rosaries which they wore 
around their necks. ‘That their lives and the rest of 
their belongings were spared was attributed to the com- 
ing among them of a person who speaks French, and 
who was with M. Demecieres (of whom one of the 
soldiers was feigned to be the nephew), and his giving 
them to understand that five of our soldiers had gone 
with presents for their chiefs, which is the truth. At 
this juncture one of the Indians whom Father Abad took 
with him from his mission and whom he had sent with 
the soldiers, fled. He encountered five apostate Jara- 
names who were in the band, and they pursued him until 
his horse ran away with his belongings and the letters 
of the father, the Indian saving himself on foot. J am 
reporting this occurrence to M. Demecieres, in order 
that if he can he may secure due satisfaction for the bad 
faith which they manifest with regard to the treaty, in 
which we otherwise cannot put confidence. I have had 
here for several days the wife of the chief of these 
Tauayas, who, having been captured by the Apaches, 
was sold to the Spaniards in the province of Coahuila. 
When it became known to her husband, he importuned 
me and appealed to M. Demecieres to have her ran- 
somed, which I effected through the governor of the 
province named. But I do not believe sufficient all that 
we have spent in their entertainment, or the great amount 
which it is costing me at this writing, while it is all ill- 
requited. ‘Truly we are dealing with barbarians, and for 
that reason we must make many allowances. [I trust 
that your Lordship will be assured of my desire to serve 





460 In Mexico this word is used for the round covering for the hind quar- 
ters of a horse. 


one ] THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 349 


you, and that we may proceed in harmony and as good 
neighbors in whatever may be for the service of both 
majesties; and I beg that the divine Majesty may pre- 
serve the life of your Lordship many years. San An- 
tonio de Bexar, September 8, 1772. 
The hand of your Lordship is kissed by your most at- 
tentive and affectionate servant. 
EL BARON DE RIPPERDA [ rubric]. 
Sefior Luis de Unzaga y Amezaga. 


107. THE VICEROY TO THE BARON DE RIPPERDA 
SEPTEMBER 16, 1772 4% 


I have received the letters of your Lordship dated the 
twenty-eighth of last April, the sixth of July, and the 
second of August following; and, in view of all that you 
set forth in them, I can for the present only say to your 
Lordship that you must try scrupulously to keep the new 
treaties of peace solemnized with the Nations of the 
North, not injuring them unless they give cause, and 
that you must employ all the means which you consider 
adapted to perpetuate this policy, and to induce the In- 
dians to settle in formal villages, enter upon a semiciv- 
ilized life,“ and subject themselves to the authority of 
our sovereign. 

With these principles in mind, and knowing the little 
faith which should be put in a class of enemies who, at 
the same time that they promise their friendship, con- 
tinue their insults and robberies, it seems to me well to 
divert them with treaties, punishing however, those who 
slaughter cattle in and infest our lands, whether they be 
the friendly nations or the Apaches. ‘Therefore your 


461 Prov. Int., vol. 20, f. 44. Also in Historia, vol. 51, f. 44. 

462 This utterance is predicated on the Spanish theory of colonial policy, in 
which the reduction of Indians to villages and their civilization were of funda- 
mental importance. 


350 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES [ Vol. 


Lordship may provide that the parties which ought to 
set out from the presidios to reconnoiter, shall examine 
the places by which the Indians come in, in order that, 
by occupying their avenues, it will be easy to surprise 
them on their ingress or egress, and to wrest from them 
the captives which they may have taken. As a conse- 
quence they will undertake their irruptions with less in- 

solence and more fear. 
The offensive war against the Apaches demands sep- 
arate consideration; and in order not to make disposi- 
tions at a venture nor 


}. Deep De disturb the tranquillity 
ne 2 weet) which has actually been 


experienced up to the 
ue present in that prov- 
ince (since all of the 


insults of the enemies 
have consisted in the 
stealing of droves of 
horses, which a lack of 
watchfulness or exces- 
[Facsimile of the signature of Viceroy sive confidence wins t 


Bucarely y Ursua. From the. original in have permitted), it is 
the Béxar Archives | necessary to deal with 


these matters with much prudence, deliberation, and re- 
flection, and thus, while, in view of your Lordship’s pro- 
posals, itis being decided ina junta de guerra y hacienda 
what is best, you should guide yourself by the advice giv- 
en above, and should order Dn. Atanacio de Mezieres to 
retire to his presidio of Natchitoches, to perform there 
what he may have been ordered by the governor of Luis- 
iana, to whom he may report his observations; and in 
case those which he has reported to your Lordship 


one | THE EXPEDITION OF 1772 351 


should be considered useful, you should take timely 
advantage of them. 

God, etc., Mexico, September 16, 1772. 

Sefior Baron de Ripperda [rubric]. 

[Endorsement] Mexico, September 16, 1772. To 
the Baron de Ripperda, at Bexar, replying to the letters 
of April 28, July 6, and August 2, last, to the effect that 
for the present all that can be said is that he must try to 
maintain the new treaties solemnized with the nations. 





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